ha (he’-ah): In Job 39:25, the Revised Version (British and American) "Aha," of the battle-horse.

See AH, AHA.

ha-hi’-roth.

See PI-HAHIROTH.

ha-je-hu-di’-ja (ha-yehudhiyah): Named in the genealogical list (1Ch 4:18). Possibly a proper name (Revised Version, margin), but probably "the Jewess" (Revised Version (British and American)). May be so given in order to distinguish from the Egyptian named in this verse. The King James Version translates "Jehudijah."

ha-a-hash’-ta-ri (ha’-achashtari, possibly a corruption of ha’-ashchuri): A descendant of Judah (1Ch 4:6). The name is probably corrupt. If the emendation suggested above is accepted, it means the Ashurites, and is a description of the preceding names.

ha-ba’-ya, (cha-bhayah, chobhayah): A post-exilic priestly family which was unable to establish its pedigree. "Habaiah" is the form in Ezr 2:61; in the parallel passage (Ne 7:63), the King James Version has "Habaiah," and the Revised Version (British and American) "Hobaiah"; in the parallel passage in 1 Esdras 5:38, the form is Obdia, Codex Vaticanus, Obbeia.

ha-bak’-uk, hab’-a-kuk:

I. THE AUTHOR

1. Name

2. Life

II. THE BOOK

1. Interpretation of Habakkuk 1 and 2

2. Contents

3. Style

4. Integrity

III. THE TIME

1. Date

2. Occasion

IV. ITS TEACHING

1. Universal Supremacy of Yahweh

2. Faithfulness the Guarantee of Permanency

LITERATURE

I. The Author. 1. Name:

Habakkuk (chabhaqquq) means "embrace," or "ardent embrace." Some of the ancient rabbis, connecting the name with 2Ki 4:16, "Thou shalt embrace a son," imagined that the prophet was the son of the Shunammite woman. The Septuagint form of the name, Hambakoum; Theodotion Hambakouk, presupposes the Hebrew chabbaquq. A similar word occurs in Assyrian as the name of a garden plant.

2. Life:

Practically nothing is known of Habakkuk. The book bearing his name throws little light upon his life, and the rest of the Old Testament is silent concerning him; but numerous legends have grown up around his name. The identification of the prophet with the son of the Shunammite woman is one. Another, connecting Isa 21:6 with Hab 2:1, makes Habakkuk the watchman set by Isaiah to watch for the fall of Babylon. One of the recensions of the Septuagint text of Bel and the Dragon declares that the story was taken "from the prophecy of Habakkuk, the son of Jesus of the tribe of Levi." This must refer to an unknown apocryphal book ascribed to our prophet. What authority there may be for calling his father Jesus we do not know. The claim that he was of the tribe of Levi may be based upon the presence of the musical note at the end of the third chapter. According to the Lives of the Prophets, ascribed, though perhaps erroneously, to Epiphanius, bishop of Salamis in Cyprus during the latter part of the 4th century AD, he belonged to Bethtsohar, of the tribe of Simeon. A very interesting story is found in Bel and the Dragon (33-39), according to which Habakkuk, while on his way to the field with a bowl of pottage, was taken by an angel, carried to Babylon and placed in the lions den, where Daniel ate the pottage, when Habakkuk was returned to his own place. According to the Lives, Habakkuk died two years before the return of the exiles from Babylon. All these legends have little or no historical value.

II. The Book.

1. Interpretation of Habakkuk 1 and 2:

It is necessary to consider the interpretation of Hab 1 and 2 before giving the contents of the book, as a statement of the contents of these chapters will be determined by their interpretation. The different interpretations advocated may be grouped under three heads: (1) According to the first view: Hab 1:2-4: The corruption of Judah; the oppression of the righteous Jews by the wicked Jews, which calls for the Divine manifestation in judgment against the oppressors. 1:5-11: Yahweh announces that He is about to send the Chaldeans to execute judgment. 1:12-17: The prophet is perplexed. He cannot understand how a righteous God can use these barbarians to execute judgment upon a people more righteous than they. He considers even the wicked among the Jews better than the Chaldeans. 2:1-4: Yahweh solves the perplexing problem by announcing that the exaltation of the Chaldeans will be but temporary; in the end they will meet their doom, while the righteous will live. 2:5-20: Woes against the Chaldeans.

(2) The second view finds it necessary to change the present arrangement of Hab 1:5-11; in their present position, they will not fit into the interpretation. For this reason Wellhausen and others omit these verses as a later addition; on the other hand, Giesebrecht would place them before 1:2, as the opening verses of the prophecy. The transposition would require a few other minor changes, so as to make the verses a suitable beginning and establish a smooth transition from 1:11 to 1:2. Omitting the troublesome verses, the following outline of the two chapters may be given: 1:2-4: The oppression of the righteous Jews by the wicked Chaldeans. 1:12-17: Appeal to Yahweh on behalf of the Jews against their oppressors. 2:1-4: Yahweh promises deliverance (see above). 2:5-20: Woes against the Chaldeans.

(3) The third view also finds it necessary to alter the present order of verses. Again Hab 1:5-11, in the present position, interferes with theory; therefore, these verses are given a more suitable place after 2:4. According to this interpretation the outline is as follows: 1:2-4: Oppression of the righteous Jews by the wicked Assyrians (Budde) or Egyptians (G. A. Smith). 1:12-17: Appeal to Yahweh on behalf of the oppressed against the oppressor. 2:1-4: Yahweh promises deliverance (see above). 1:5-11: The Chaldeans will be the instrument to execute judgment upon the oppressors and to bring deliverance to the Jews. 2:5-20: Woes against the Assyrians or Egyptians.

A full discussion of these views is not possible in this article (see Eiselen, Minor Prophets, 466-68). It may be sufficient to say that on the whole the first interpretation, which requires no omission or transposition, seems to satisfy most completely the facts in the case.

2. Contents:

The contents of Hab 1 and 2 are indicated in the preceding paragraph. Hab 3 contains a lyrical passage called in the title "Prayer." The petitioner speaks for himself and the community. He remembers the mighty works of Yahweh for His people; the thought of them causes him to tremble; nevertheless, he calls for a repetition of the ancient manifestations (3:2). In majestic pictures the poet describes the wonderful appearances of Yahweh in the past (3:3-11) for His chosen people (3:12-15). The remembrance of these manifestations fills the Psalmist with fear and trembling, but also with joy and confidence in the God of his salvation (3:16-19).

3. Style:

Only the Hebrew student can get an adequate idea of the literary excellence of the Book of Habakkuk. "The literary power of Habakkuk," says Driver, "is considerable. Though his book is a brief one, it is full of force; his descriptions are graphic and powerful; thought and expression are alike poetic; he is still a master of the old classical style, terse, parallelistic, pregnant; there is no trace of the often prosaic diffusiveness which manifests itself in the writings of Jeremiah and Ezekiel. And if Hab 3 be his, he is, moreover, a lyric poet of high order; the grand imagery and the rhythmic flow of this ode will bear comparison with some of the finest productions of the Hebrew muse."

4. Integrity:

More than half of the book, including Hab 1:5-11; 2:9-20, and chapter 3 entire, has been denied to the prophet Habakkuk. If the prophecy is rightly interpreted (see above), no valid reason for rejecting 1:5-11 can be found. Hab 2:9-20 are denied to Habakkuk chiefly on two grounds:

(1) The "woes" are said to be in part, at least, unsuitable, if supposed to be addressed to the Chaldean king. This difficulty vanishes when it is borne in mind that the king is not addressed as an individual, but as representing the policy of the nation, as a personification of the nation.

(2) Some parts, especially 2:12-14, "consist largely of citations and reminiscences of other passages, including some late ones" (compare 2:12 with Mic 3:10; Hab 2:13 with Jer 51:58; Hab 2:14 with Isa 11:9; Hav 2:16b with Jer 25:15,16; Hab 2:18-20 with Isa 44:9 ff; 46:6,7; Jer 10:1-16).

Aside from the fact that the argument from literary parallels is always precarious, in this case the resemblances are few in number and of such general character that they do not necessarily presuppose literary dependence. Habakkuk 3 is denied to the prophet even more persistently, but the arguments are by no means conclusive. The fact that the chapter belongs to the psalm literature does not prove a late date unless it is assumed, without good reasons, that no psalms originated in the preexilic period. Nor do the historical allusions, which are altogether vague, the style, the relation to other writers, and the character of the religious ideas expressed, point necessarily to a late date. The only doubtful verses are 2:16 ff, which seem to allude to a calamity other than the invasion of the Chaldeans; and Driver says, not without reason, "Had the poet been writing under the pressure of a hostile invasion, the invasion itself would naturally have been expected to form a prominent feature in this picture." Hence, while it may be impossible to prove that Habakkuk is the author of the prayer, it is equally impossible to prove the contrary; and while there are a few indications which seem to point to a situation different from that of Habakkuk, they are by no means definite enough to exclude the possibility of Habakkuk’s authorship.

III. The Time.

1. Date:

The question of date is closely bound up with that of interpretation. Budde, on theory that the oppressors, threatened with destruction, are the Assyrians (see above, 3), dates the prophecy 621 to 615 BC. Granting that the Assyrians are in the mind of the prophet, the date suggested by Betteridge (AJT, 1903, 674 ff), circa 701 BC, is to be preferred; but if the Assyrians are not the oppressors, then with the Assyrians fall the dates proposed by Budde and Betteridge. If the prophecy is directed against Egypt, we are shut up to a very definite period, between 608 and 604 BC, for the Egyptian supremacy in Judah continued during these years only. If the Egyptians are not the oppressors, another date will have to be sought. If the Chaldeans are the oppressors of Judah, the prophecy must be assigned to a date subsequent to the battle of Carchemish in 605-604, for only after the defeat of the Egyptians could the Chaldeans carry out a policy of world conquest; and it was some years after that event that the Chaldeans first came into direct contact with Judah. But on this theory, Hab 1:2-4,12 ff; 2:8 ff, presupposes the lapse of a considerable period of conquest, the subduing of many nations, the cruel oppression of Judah for some length of time; therefore, Nowack is undoubtedly correct, on this theory, in bringing the prophecy down to a period subsequent to the first exile in 597, or, as he says, "in round numbers about 590 BC."

A different date must be sought if Hab 1:2-4 is interpreted as referring to the oppression of Jews by Jews, and 1:5 ff, as a threat that Yahweh will raise up the Chaldeans, already known as a nation thirsting for blood, to punish the wickedness of Judah. These verses would seem to indicate (1) that the Chaldeans had not yet come into direct contact with Judah, and (2) that they had already given exhibitions of the cruel character of their warfare. Nebuchadnezzar advanced against Judah about 600 BC; but the years since the fall of Nineveh, in 607-606, and the battle of Carchemish, in 605-604, had given abundant opportunity to the Chaldeans to reveal their true character, and to the prophet and his contemporaries to become acquainted with this cruel successor of Nineveh. On this theory, therefore, the prophetic activity of Habakkuk must be assigned to shortly before 600 BC.

2. Occasion:

If Habakkuk prophesied about 600 BC, he lived under King Jehoiakim. The pious and well-meaning Josiah had been slain in an attempt to stop the advance of Egypt against Assyria. With his death the brief era of reform came to an end. After a reign of three months Jehoahaz was deposed by Pharaoh-necoh, who placed Jehoiakim on the throne. The latter was selfish, tyrannical and godless. In a short time the deplorable conditions of Manasseh’s reign returned. It was this situation that caused the prophet’s first perplexity: "O Yahweh, how long shall I cry, and thou wilt not hear? I cry out unto thee of violence, and thou wilt not save" (Hab 1:2).

IV. Its Teaching.

In the Book of Hab a new type of prophecy appears. The prophets were primarily preachers and teachers of religion and ethics. They addressed themselves to their fellow-countrymen in an attempt to win them back to Yahweh and a righteous life. Not so Habakkuk. He addresses himself to Yahweh, questioning the justice or even the reality of the Divine Providence. He makes complaint to God and expostulates with Him. The prophet Habakkuk, therefore, is a forerunner of the author of the Book of Job. "As a whole, his book is the fruit of religious reflection. It exhibits the communings and questionings of his soul—representative, no doubt, of many other pious spirits of the time—with God; and records the answers which the Spirit of God taught him for his own sake and for the sake of tried souls in every age.

Habakkuk has been called the prophet of faith. He possessed a strong, living faith in Yahweh; but he, like many other pious souls, was troubled and perplexed by the apparent inequalities of life. He found it difficult to reconcile these with his lofty conception of Yahweh. Nevertheless, he does not sulk. Boldly he presents his perplexities to Yahweh, who points the way to a solution, and the prophet comes forth from his trouble with a faith stronger and more intense than ever. It is in connection with his attempts to solve the perplexing problems raised by the unpunished sins of his countrymen and the unlimited success of the Chaldeans that Habakkuk gives utterance to two sublime truths:

1. The Universal Supremacy of Yahweh:

Yahweh is interested not only in Israel. Though Habakkuk, like the other prophets, believes in a special Divine Providence over Israel, he is equally convinced that Yahweh’s rule embraces the whole earth; the destinies of all the nations are in His hand. The Chaldeans are punished not merely for their sins against Judah, but for the oppression of other nations as well. Being the only God, He cannot permit the worship of other deities. Temporarily the Chaldeans may worship idols, or make might their god, they may "sacrifice unto their net," and burn incense "unto their drag," because by them "their portion is fat and their food plenteous"; but Yahweh is from everlasting, the Holy One, and He will attest His supremacy by utterly destroying the boastful conqueror with his idols.

2. Faithfulness the Guarantee of Permanency:

The second important truth is expressed in Hab 2:4: "The righteous shall live by his faith" (the American Revised Version, margin "faithfulness"). Faithfulness assures permanency. The thought expressed by the prophet is not identical with that expressed by the apostle who quotes the words (Ga 3:11); nevertheless, the former also gives expression to a truth of profound significance. "Faithfulness" is with the prophet an external thing; it signifies integrity, fidelity, steadfastness under all provocations; but this implies, in a real sense, the New Testament conception of faith as an active principle of right conduct. A living faith determines conduct; religion and ethics go hand in hand, and especially in the hour of adversity a belief in Yahweh and unflinching reliance upon Him are the strongest preservers of fidelity and integrity. Faith without works is dead; faith expresses itself in life. Habakkuk places chief emphasis upon the expressions of faith, and he does so rightly; but in doing this he also calls attention, by implication at least, to the motive power behind the external manifestations. As an expression of living faith, 3:17-19 is not surpassed in the Old Testament.

LITERATURE.

Commentaries on the Minor Prophets by Ewald, Pusey, Keil, Orelli, G. A. Smith (Expositor’s Bible), Driver (New Century Bible), Eiselen; A. B. Davidson, Commentary on "Nah," "Hab," "Zeph" (Cambridge Bible); A. F. Kirkpatrick, Doctrine of the Prophets; F. C. Eiselen, Prophecy and the Prophets; F. W. Farrar, Minor Prophets ("Men of the Bible"); Driver, LOT; HDB, article "Habakkuk"; EB, article "Habakkuk."

Frederick Carl Eiselen

See BETH-HORON, THE BATTLE OF.

(chabhatstsinyah. Thus in the King James Version, but more correctly as in the Revised Version (British and American) HABAZZINIAH, hab-a-zi-ni’-a (Jer 35,3)): The grandfather of Jaazaniah, who was the leader of the Rechabites who were tested by Jeremiah as to their obedience to their ancestor’s command with reference to wine. Their loyalty to the commands of Jonadab was effectively used by Jeremiah in an appeal to the people of Judah to obey the words of Yahweh.

hab’-er-jun, ha-bur’-jun, the King James Version (tachara’): In the Revised Version (British and American), Ex 28:32; 39:23, etc., "coat of mail"; in Job 41:26, "pointed shaft," margin "coat of mail."

See ARMS, ARMOR.

See HOUSE.

James Orr

ha’-bor (chabhor; Habor, Habior; Isidor of Charax, Aburas (Abouras), Zosias, Aboras):

1. Its Position and Course:

Is described in 2Ki 17:6; 18:11 (compare 1Ch 5:26) as "the river of Gozan." It is the Arabic Khabur, and flows in a southerly direction from several sources in the mountains of Karaj Dagh (Mons Masius), which, in the 37th parallel, flanks the valley of the Tigris on the West. The river ultimately joins the Euphrates after receiving its chief tributary, the Jaghjagha Su (Mygdonius), at Circesium (Kirkisiyeh).

2. Etymologies of Habor:

The meaning of its name is doubtful, but Delitzsch has suggested a Sumerian etymology, namely, habur, "the fish-waterway," or it may be connected with "mother Hubur’" a descriptive title of Tiamat (see MERODACH; RAHAB).

3. Historical References:

Layard found several interesting Assyrian remains in the district, including man-headed bulls bearing the name of Muses-Ninip, possibly an Assyrian governor. Tiglath-pileser I (circa 1120 BC) boasts of having killed 10 mighty elephants in Haran and on the banks of the Habor; and Assur-nacir-apli (circa 880 BC), after conquering Harsit (Harrit, Harmis), subjugated the tract around piate sa nar Habur, "the mouths of the Habor." According to 2Ki and 1 Chronicles, Shalmaneser IV and Sargon transported the exiled Israelites thither. Philological considerations exclude the identification of the Chebar of Eze 13, etc., with the Habor.

T. G. Pinches

hak-a-li’-a (chakhalyah, meaning doubtful, perhaps "wait for Yahweh"; the King James Version Hachaliah): Father of Nehemiah (Ne 11; 10:1).

ha-ki’-la, hak’-i-la, (chakhilah): A hill in the wilderness of Judah, associated with the wanderings of David. It is stated (1Sa 23:19) to be "on the South of the desert" (or Jeshimon), and (1Sa 26:1) to be "before (on the front (i.e. edge) of) the desert." It was near Ziph and Maon. The only plausible hypothesis is that it is represented by the ridge Dhahret el-Kolah in the wilderness of Ziph, toward the desert of En-gedi (PEF, III, 313, Sh XXI).

hak-mo’-ni, hak’-mo-ni, or probably (chakhmoni, "wise"): The same word is rendered "Hachmoni," a proper name, in 1Ch 27:32 and "a Hachmonite" in 1Ch 11:11. The form of the Hebrew word suggests that the latter translation should be adopted in both passages, and that it describes the warrior in one case, and the companion or tutor of David’s sons in the other, as a member of a certain family—a Hachmonite of which nothing further is known. 2Sa 23:8, "Josheb-basshebeth a Tahchemonite," bears the marks of a corrupt text, and should be parallel with 1Ch 11:11 so far as the name goes, reading "Jashobeam the Hachmonite." So Klostermann, Driver, Wellhausen, Budde, etc.

George Rice Hovey

ha’-dad:

(1) (chadhadh, "sharpness"): One of the twelve sons of Ishmael (Ge 25:15, where the King James Version, following a mistake in Hebrew text, has "Hadar"; but "Hadad" is found in parallel passage 1Ch 1:30; the Revised Version (British and American) reads "Hadad" in both places).

(2) (hadhadh): A king of Edom, son of Bedad (Ge 36:35,36 parallel 1Ch 1:46,47), "who smote Midian in the field of Moab," and whose "city was Avith."

(3) Another king of Edom, written "Hadar" in Ge 36:39 by a copyist’s mistake, but "Hadad" in the parallel passage 1Ch 1:50,51. His city was Pau or Palestine.

(4) A member of the royal family of Edom in David’s time, who as a child escaped Joab’s slaughter of the Edomites, and fled to Egypt. On David’s death he returned to Edom, where he made trouble for Solomon by stirring up the Edomites against the rule of Israel (1Ki 11:14-22,25).

(5) The supreme god of Syria, whose name is found in Scripture in the names of Syrian kings, Benhadad, Hadadezer. The god Hadad (= perhaps, "maker of loud noise") is mentioned in Assyrian inscriptions, and called on the monolith of Shalmaneser "the god of Aleppo." In the Assyrian inscriptions he is identified with the air-god Rammon or Rimmon. The union of the two names in Zec 12:11 suggests this identity, though the reference is uncertain, some regarding Hadadrimmon as the name of a place, others as the name of the god—"Hadad (is) Rimmon." The name "Hadad" is found in various other forms: Adad, Dadu, and Dadda. See A. H. Sayce in HDB under the word "Hadad."

George Rice Hovey

had-ad-e’-zer (hadhadh‘ezer; so 2Sa 8; 1Ki 11:23, but hadhar‘ezer, 2Sa 10; 1Ch 18): Mentioned in connection with David’s wars of conquest (2Sa 8:3 ff; 2Sa 10:1-19; 1Ch 18:3 ); was king of Zobah in Syria. The exact position and size of this Syrian principality are uncertain, but it seems to have extended in David’s time southward toward Ammon and eastward to the Euphrates. When the Ammonites had put themselves in the wrong with David by the insult done to his ambassadors (2Sa 10:1-5) they summoned to their aid against the incensed king of Israel the Syrians of various adjoining principalities, among them the Syrians of Zobah under Hadadezer, the son of Rehob. The strategy of Joab, who set the force under command of Abishai his brother in array against the Ammonites, and himself attacked the Syrian allies, won for Israel a decisive victory. Not content with this result, Hadadezer gathered together another Syrian force, summoning this time also "the Syrians that were beyond the River" (2Sa 10:16), with Shobach the captain of his host at their head. On this occasion David himself took command of the Israelite forces and again defeated them near Helam, Shobach being left dead on the field. Hadadezer and his Syrian vassals, finding resistance hopeless, "made peace with Israel and served them" (2Sa 10:19). For the name Hadador Hadarezer, see BENHADAD.

LITERATURE.

Winckler, Geschichte Israels, I, 137 ff; McCurdy, HPM, 204; Maspero, The Struggle of the Nations, 731.

T. Nicol.

ha-dad-rim’-on, had-ad-rim’-on (hadhadh rimmon): A name which occurs, along with Megiddon, in Zec 12:11. It was long thought that this was a place in the plain of Megiddo, and that the mourning referred to was that for Josiah, slain in battle with Pharaoh-necoh (2Ki 23:29). This last, however, was certainly at Jerusalem. Jerome (Comm. on Zec) identifies Hadadrimmon with Maximianopolis, a village near Jezreel, probably Legio, the ancient Megiddo. Possibly, however, the form "Hadadrimmon" has arisen through the combination of two divine names; and the weeping may be that for Tammuz (Eze 8:14), with whom the old Semitic deity had become confused in the popular mind.

W. Ewing

ha’-dar (Ge 36:39).

See HADAD (3).

had-ar-e’-zer.

See HADADEZER.

ha-da’-sha, had’-a-sha (chadhashah, "new"): A town in the Shephelah of Judah, named with Zenan and Migdal-gad (Jos 15:37). According to the Mishna (‘Erubhin, v. 6), it was the smallest town in Judah. It is not identified.

ha-das’-a (hadhaqqah, "myrtle"): The Hebrew name (Es 2:7) formerly borne by ESTHER (which see).

ha-dat’-a (chadhattah, "new"):

See HAZOR.

ha’-dez (Haides, haides, "not to be seen"): Hades, Greek originally Haidou, in genitive, "the house of Hades," then, as nominative, designation of the abode of the dead itself. The word occurs in the New Testament in Mt 11:23 (parallel Lu 10:15); Mt 16:18; Lu 16:23; Ac 2:27,31; Re 1:18; 6:8; 20:13 f. It is also found in Textus Receptus of the New Testament 1Co 15:55, but here the correct reading (Tischendorf, Westcott and Hort, The New Testament in Greek, the Revised Version (British and American)) is probably Thanate, "O Death," instead of Haide, "O Hades." the King James Version renders "Hades" by "hell" in all instances except 1Co 15:55, where it puts "grave" (margin "hell") in dependence on Ho 13:14. the Revised Version (British and American) everywhere has "Hades."

1. In Old Testament: Sheol:

In the Septuagint Hades is the standing equivalent for Sheol, but also translates other terms associated with death and the state after it. The Greek conception of Hades was that of a locality receiving into itself all the dead, but divided into two regions, one a place of torment, the other of blessedness. This conception should not be rashly transferred to the New Testament, for the latter stands not under the influence of Greek pagan belief, but gives a teaching and reflects a belief which model their idea of Hades upon the Old Testament through the Septuagint. The Old Testament Sheol, while formally resembling the Greek Hades in that it is the common receptacle of all the dead, differs from it, on the one hand, by the absence of a clearly defined division into two parts, and, on the other hand, by the emphasis placed on its association with death and the grave as abnormal facts following in the wake of sin. The Old Testament thus concentrates the partial light it throws on the state after death on the negative, undesirable side of the prospect apart from redemption. When in the progress of Old Testament revelation the state after death begins to assume more definite features, and becomes more sharply differentiated in dependence on the religious and moral issue of the present life this is not accomplished in the canonical writings (otherwise in the apocalyptic literature) by dividing Sheol into two compartments, but by holding forth to the righteous the promise of deliverance from Sheol, so that the latter becomes more definitely outlined as a place of evil and punishment.

2. In the New Testament: Hades:

The New Testament passages mark a distinct stage in this process, and there is, accordingly, a true basis in Scripture for the identification in a certain aspect of Sheol—Hades—with hell as reflected in the King James Version. The theory according to which Hades is still in the New Testament the undifferentiated provisional abode of all the dead until the day of judgment, with the possibility of ultimate salvation even for those of its inmates who have not been saved in this life, is neither in harmony with the above development nor borne out by the facts of New Testament usage. That dead believers abide in a local Hades cannot be proven from 1Th 4:16; 1Co 15:23, for these passages refer to the grave and the body, not to a gathering-place of the dead. On the other hand Lu 23:43; 2Co 5:6-8; Php 1:23; Re 6:9; 7:9 ff; 15:2 ff teach that the abode of believers immediately after death is with Christ and God.

3. Ac 2:27,31:

It is, of course, a different matter, when Hades, as not infrequently already the Old Testament Sheol, designates not the place of the dead but the state of death or disembodied existence. In this sense even the soul of Jesus was in Hades according’ to Peter’s statement (Ac 2:27,31—on the basis of Ps 16:10). Here the abstract sense is determined by the parallel expression, "to see corruption" None the less from a comparatively early date this passage has been quoted in support of the doctrine of a local descent of Christ into Hades.

4. Re 20:13; 6:8; 1:18:

The same abstract meaning is indicated for Re 20:13. Death and Hades are here represented as delivering up the dead on the eve of the final judgment. If this is more than a poetic duplication of terms, Hades will stand for the personified state of death, Death for the personified cause of this state. The personification appears plainly from 20:14: "Death and Hades were cast into the lake of fire." In the number of these "dead" delivered up by Hades, believers are included, because, even on the chiliastic interpretation of 20:4-6, not all the saints share in the first resurrection, but only those "beheaded for the testimony of Jesus, and for the word of God," i.e. the martyrs. A similar personifying combination of Death and Hades occurs in Re 6:8 ("a pale horse: and he that sat upon him his name was Death; and Hades followed with him"). In Re 1:18, on the other hand, Death and Hades are represented as prisons from which Christ, in virtue of His own resurrection, has the power to deliver, a representation which again implies that in some, not necessarily local, sense believers also are kept in Hades.

5. Lu 16:23:

In distinction from these passages when the abstract meaning prevails and the local conception is in abeyance, the remaining references are more or less locally conceived. Of these Lu 16:23 is the only one which might seem to teach that recipients of salvation enter after death into Hades as a place of abode. It has been held that Hades is here the comprehensive designation of the locality where the dead reside, and is divided into two regions, "the bosom of Abraham" and the place of torment, a representation for which Jewish parallels can be quoted, aside from its resemblance to the Greek bisection of Hades. Against this view, however, it may be urged, that if "the bosom of Abraham" were conceived as one of the two divisions of Hades, the other division would have been named with equal concreteness in connection with Dives. In point of fact, the distinction is not between "the bosom of Abraham" and another place, as both included in Hades, but between "the bosom of Abraham" and Hades as antithetical and exclusive. The very form of the description of the experience of Dives: "In Hades he lifted up his eyes, being in torments," leads us to associate Hades as such with pain and punishment. The passage, therefore, does not prove that the saved are after death in Hades. In further estimating its bearing upon the problem of the local conditions of the disembodied life after death, the parabolic character of the representation must be taken into account. The parable is certainly not intended to give us topographical information about the realm of the dead, although it presupposes that there is a distinct place of abode for the righteous and wicked respectively.

6. Mt 11:23:

The two other passages where Hades occurs in the teaching of our Lord (Mt 11:23 parallel Lu 10:15; and Mt 16:18) make a metaphorical use of the conception, which, however, is based on the local sense. In the former utterance it is predicted of Capernaum that it shall in punishment for its unbelief "go down unto Hades." As in the Old Testament Sheol is a figure for the greatest depths known (De 32:22; Isa 7:11; 57:9; Job 11:8; 26:6), this seems to be a figure for the extreme of humiliation to which that city was to be reduced in the course of history. It is true, 11:24, with its mention of the day of judgment, might seem to favor an eschatological reference to the ultimate doom of the unbelieving inhabitants, but the usual restriction of Hades to the punishment of the intermediate state (see below) is against this.

7. Mt 16:18:

In the other passage, Mt 16:18, Jesus declares that the gates of Hades shall not katischuein the church He intends to build. The verb katischuein may be rendered, "to overpower" or "to surpass." If the former be adopted, the figure implied is that of Hades as a stronghold of the power of evil or death from which warriors stream forth to assail the church as the realm of life. On the other rendering there is no reference to any conflict between Hades and the church, the point of comparison being merely the strength of the church, the gates of Hades, i.e. the realm of death, serving in common parlance as a figure of the greatest conceivable strength, because they never allow to escape what has once entered through them.

The above survey of the passages tends to show that Hades, where it is locally conceived, is not a provisional receptacle for all the dead, but plainly associated with the punishment of the wicked. Where it comes under consideration for the righteous there is nothing to indicate a local sense. On 1Pe 3:19; 4:6 (where, however, the word "Hades" does not occur), see articles ESCHATOLOGY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT; SPIRITS IN PRISON.

8. Not a Final State:

The element of truth in theory of the provisional character of Hades lies in this, that the New Testament never employs it in connection with the final state of punishment, as subsequent to the last judgment. For this GEHENNA (which see) and other terms are used. Dives is represented as being in Hades immediately after his death and while his brethren are still in this present life. Whether the implied differentiation between stages of punishment, depending obviously on the difference between the disembodied and reembodied state of the lost, also carries with itself a distinction between two places of punishment, in other words whether Hades and Gehenna are locally distinct, the evidence is scarcely sufficient to determine. The New Testament places the emphasis on the eschatological developments at the end, and leaves many things connected with the intermediate state in darkness.

Geerhardus Vos

ha’-did (chadhidh): A city in Benjamin (Ne 11:33 f) named with Lod and Ono (Ezr 2:33; Ne 7:37), probably identical with Adida Septuagint Hadida) of 1 Macc 12:38; 13:13, "over against the plain," which was fortified by Simon Maccabeus. It is represented by the modern el-Chaditheh, about 3 miles Northeast of Lydda.

had’-li, had’-la-i (chadhlay, "resting"): An Ephraimite (2Ch 28:12), father of Amasa, who was one of the heads of the tribe in the time of Pekah, king of Israel.

ha-do’-ram (hadhoram):

(1) Son of Joktan and apparently 6th in descent from Noah (Ge 10:27 parallel 1Ch 1:21).

(2) Son of Tou, king of Hamath, sent by his father with presents to King David (1Ch 18:10). In 2Sa 8:9,10, written probably incorrectly "Joram," "son of Toi."

(3) Rehoboam’s superintendent of the forced labor department (2Ch 10:18), called Adoram 1Ki 12:18, a contraction of ADONIRAM (which see). He was sent by Rehoboam as messenger to Israel at the time of the revolt of the ten tribes and was stoned to death by them.

George Rice Hovey

ha’-drak, had’-rak (chadhrakh): "The land of Hadrach" is mentioned only once in Scripture (Zec 9:1), and there it is grouped with Damascus, Hamath, Tyre and Sidon. It may be safely identified with the "Hatarikka" of the Assyrian inscriptions, against which Assur-dan III made expeditions in his 1st (772 BC), 8th and 18th years. It also appears in inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III. They place it in the North of Lebanon.

ha’-gab (chaghabh, "locust"): Ancestor of some of the Nethinim who returned from the Babylonian captivity with Zerubbabel and Nehemiah. The name occurs second after Hagabah in Ezr 2:46, but is omitted entirely from the parallel list of Ne 7:48.

ha-ga’-ba, hag’-a-ba (chaghabha’): Same as the following (Ne 7:48).

ha-ga’-ba, hag’-a-ba (chaghabhah, "locust"): Like Hagab, an ancestor of some of the Nethinim who returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr 2:45); spelled Hagaba in the parallel passage (Ne 7:48).

ha’-gar (haghar, "emigration," "flight"; Hagar, Agar): An Egyptian woman, the handmaid or slave of Sarai; a present, perhaps, from Pharaoh when Abram dissembled to him in Egypt (Ge 12:16). Mention is made of her in two passages (Ge 16; 21:8-21).

1. The Scornful Handmaid and Her Flight:

In the first narrative (Ge 16) it is related that Sarai, despairing at her age of having children, gave Hagar to Abram as a concubine. As Hagar was not an ordinary household slave but the peculiar property of her mistress (compare Ge 29:24,29), any offspring which she might bear to Abram would be reckoned as Sarai’s (compare Ge 30:3-9). In the prospect of becoming a mother, Hagar, forgetting her position, seems to have assumed an insolent bearing toward her childless mistress. Sarai felt keenly the contempt shown her by her handmaid, and in angry tones brought her conduct before Abram. Now that her plan was not working out smoothly, she unfairly blamed her husband for what originated with herself, and appealed to Heaven to redress her grievance. Abram refused to interfere in the domestic quarrel, and renouncing his rights over his concubine, and her claims on him, put her entirely at Sarai’s disposal. Under the harsh treatment of her mistress Hagar’s life became intolerable, and she fled into the wilderness, turning her steps naturally toward Egypt, her native land.

2. Her Vision and Return:

But the angel of Yahweh (who is here introduced for the first time as the medium of theophany) appeared to her as she was resting by a spring and commanded her to return and submit herself to her mistress, promising her an innumerable seed through her unborn son, concerning whom he uttered a striking prediction (see ISHMAEL). To the angel (who is now said to be Yahweh Himself) Hagar gave the name "Thou art a God of seeing" (the Revised Version (British and American) "that seeth"), for she said, "Have I even here (in the desert where God, whose manifestations were supposed to be confined to particular places, might not be expected to reveal Himself) looked after him that seeth me?"—the meaning being that while God saw her, it was only while the all-seeing God in the person of His angel was departing that she became conscious of His presence. The spring where the angel met with her was called in Hebrew tradition Be’er-lachay-ro’i, "the well of the living one who seeth me" (Revised Version, margin).

Obedient to the heavenly vision Hagar returned, as the narrative implies, to her mistress and gave birth to Ishmael, Abram being then eighty-six years old.

The idea in 30:13 is not very clearly expressed. The word translated "here" generally means "hither," and there is no explanation of the "living one" in the name of the well. It has therefore been proposed to emend the Hebrew text and read "Have I even seen God, and lived after my seeing?"—an allusion to the belief that no one could "see God and live" (compare Ge 32:30; Ex 33:20). But there are difficulties in the way of accepting this emendation. The name of God, "a God of seeing," would require to be interpreted in an objective sense as "a God who is seen," and the consequent name of the well, "He that seeth me liveth," would make God, not Hagar, as in 30:13, the speaker.

3. Her Harsh Expulsion and Divine Help:

The other narrative (Ge 21:8-21) relates what occurred in connection with the weaning of Isaac. The presence and conduct of Ishmael during the family feast held on the occasion roused the anger and jealousy of Sarah who, fearing that Ishmael would share the inheritance with Isaac, peremptorily demanded the expulsion of the slave-mother and her son. But the instincts of Abraham’s fatherly heart recoiled from such a cruel course, and it was only after the revelation was made to him that the ejection of Hagar and her son would be in the line of the Divine purpose—for Isaac was his real seed, while Ishmael would be made a nation too—that he was led to forego his natural feelings and accede to Sarah’s demand. So next morning the bondwoman and her son were sent forth with the bare provision of bread and a skin of water into the wilderness of Beersheba. When the water was spent, Hagar, unable to bear the sight of her boy dying from thirst, laid him under a shrub and withdrew the distance of a bowshot to weep out her sorrow. But the angel of God, calling to her out of heaven, comforted her with the assurance that God had heard the voice of the lad and that there was a great future before him. Then her eyes were opened to discover a well of water from which she filled the skin and gave her son to drink. With God’s blessing the lad grew up amid the desert’s hardships, distinguished for his skill with the bow. He made his home in the wilderness of Paran, and his mother took a wife for him out of her own country.

4. Practical Lessons from the History:

The life and experience of Hagar teach, among other truths, the temptations incident to a new position; the foolishness of hasty action in times of trial and difficulty; the care exercised over the lonely by the all-seeing God; the Divine purpose in the life of everyone, however obscure and friendless; how God works out His gracious purposes by seemingly harsh methods; and the strength, comfort and encouragement that ever accompany the hardest experiences of His children.

5. Critical Points in the Documents:

Genesis 16 belongs to the Jahwist, J, (except 16:1a, 3,15 f which are from P), and 21:8-21 to East. From the nature of the variations in the narratives many critics hold that we have here two different accounts of the same incident. But the narratives as they stand seem to be quite distinct, the one referring to Hagar’s flight before the birth of Ishmael, and the other to her expulsion at the weaning of Isaac. It is said, however, that Elohist (E) represents Ishmael as a child "playing" (The Revised Veersion, margin, Septuagint paizonta) with Isaac at the weaning festival, and young enough to be carried by his mother and "cast" under a shrub; while according to the Priestly Code, the Priestly Code (P), (Ge 16:16; 21:5), as a child was weaned at the age of two or three years, he would be a lad of sixteen at that time. The argument for the double narrative here does not seem conclusive. The word metsacheq (16:9) does not necessarily mean "playing" when used absolutely; it is so used in Ge 19:14, evidently in the sense of "mocking" or "jesting," and Delitzsch gives it that meaning there. Then as to 19:14, the Massoretic Text does not state that the child was put on her shoulder, although the Septuagint does; nor does "cast" (19:15) so "clearly imply" that Ishmael was an infant carried by his mother (compare Mt 15:30). It may be added that the words yeledh and na‘ar, translated "child" and "lad" respectively, determine nothing as to age, as they are each used elsewhere in both senses.

6. Allegorical Use of the Story by Paul:

In Ga 4:21 ff Paul makes an allegorical use of this episode in the history of Ishmael and Isaac to support his argument for the transitory character of the Jewish ritual and the final triumph of Christian freedom over all Judaizing tendencies. In elaborating his reference, the apostle institutes a series of contrasts. Hagar, the bondwoman, represents the old covenant which was given from Mt. Sinai; and as Ishmael was Abraham’s son after the flesh, so the Judaizing Christians, who wish to remain in bondage to the law, are Hagar’s children. On the other hand, Sarah, the freewoman, represents the new covenant instituted by Christ; and as Isaac was born to Abraham in virtue of the promise, so the Christians who have freed themselves entirely from the law of carnal ordinances and live by faith are Sarah’s children. Thus Hagar corresponds to "the Jerusalem that now is," that is, the Jewish state which is in spiritual bondage with her children; while Sarah represents "the Jerusalem that is above," "our mother" (Revised Version (British and American)), the mother of us Christians, that free spiritual city to which Christians even now belong (Php 3:20). By this allegory the apostle would warn the Galatian Christians of the danger which beset them from their Judaizing brethren, of their subjection to the covenant of works and their ultimate expulsion from the household of faith.

To us Paul’s reference does not appeal with the same force as it would do to those to whom he was writing. The incident taken by itself, indeed, does not contain any suggestion of such a hidden meaning. Yet the history of the Hebrew nation is but typical of the history of the church in all ages, and the apostle’s familiarity with rabbinical modes of interpretation may have led him to adopt this method of confirming the truth which he had already proved from the law itself.

For a discussion of the text and interpretation of Ga 4:25 a, "Now this Hagar is mount Sinai in Arabia," and an account of Philo’s allegory of Hagar and Sarah, see Lightfoot’s notes at the end of chapter iv in his Commentary on Gal.

James Crichton

See HAGRITES.

ha’-ger-it (haghri).

See HAGRITES.

ha-ga’-da

See TALMUD.

hag’-a-i, hag’-a-i (chaggay, an adjective formed from chagh, "feast"):

1. Name:

The word "Haggai" may mean "festal," the prophet having been born perhaps on a festival day; compare the Roman name "Festus." Hebrew proper names were sometimes formed in this manner, e.g. Barzillai, "a man of iron," from barzel, "iron." Haggai may, however, be a shortened form of Haggiah (1Ch 6:30), meaning "festival of Yahweh," as Mattenai is an abbreviation of Mattaniah (Ezr 10:33,16). In Greek Haggaios, in Latin, Aggaeus or Aggeus, sometimes Haggaeus. Haggai is the 10th in the order of the Twelve Prophets.

2. Personal History:

Little is really known of his personal history. But we do know that he lived soon after the captivity, being the first of the prophets of the Restoration. From Hag 2:3 of his prophecies it is inferred by many that he had seen the first temple, which, as we know, was destroyed in 586 BC. If so, he must have prophesied when a comparatively old man, for we know the exact date of his prophecies, 520 BC. According to Ezr 5:1; 6:14, he was a contemporary of Zechariah, and was associated with him in the work of rebuilding the temple; besides, in the Greek and Latin and Syriac VSS, his name stands with Zechariah’s at the head of certain psalms, e.g. Ps 111 (112), in the Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) alone; Psalms 125; 126, in the Peshitta alone; Ps 137, in the Septuagint alone; Psalms 146; 147; 148, in Septuagint and Peshitta; and Ps 145, in Septuagint, Peshitta and Vulgate; perhaps these psalms were introduced into the temple-service on their recommendation. He was a prophet of great faith (compare 2:1-5); it is possible that he was a priest also (compare 2:10-19). Like Malachi he bears the name of "Yahweh’s messenger" (Heg 1:13; compare Mal 3:1). According to Jewish tradition, he was a member of the Great Synagogue.

3. Work:

Haggai’s work was intensely practical and important. Yahweh employed him to awaken the conscience and stimulate the enthusiasm of his compatriots in the rebuilding of the temple. "No prophet ever appeared at a more critical juncture in the history of the people, and, it may be added, no prophet was more successful" (Marcus Dods). Zechariah assisted him (compare Hag 1:1; Zec 1:1).

4. Period and Circumstances:

Haggai’s prophecies, like Ezekiel’s, are dated "in the second year of Darius" (Hag 1:1; 2:10), i.e. 520 BC. The Jews, 42,360 strong (Ezr 2:64), had returned from Babylon 16 years before (536 BC), under the leadership of Zerubbabel, the civil head of the community, and Joshua, the ecclesiastical. The generous edict of Cyrus had made return possible (compare Ezr 1:1-4). The new colonists had settled in Jerusalem and in the neighboring towns of Bethlehem, Bethel, Anathoth, Gibeon, Kiriath-jearim, and others adjacent (Ezr 2:20 ). Eager to reestablish the public worship of the sanctuary, they set about at once to erect the altar of burnt offering upon its old site (Ezr 3:2,3; compare Hag 2:14). Plans were also made for the immediate rebuilding of the temple, and the foundation stone was actually laid in the 2nd month of the 2nd year of the return (Ezr 3:8-10), but the work was suddenly interrupted by the jealous, half-caste, semi-pagan Samaritans, descendants of the foreign colonists introduced into Samaria in 722 BC (compare 2Ki 17:24-41), whose offer to cooperate had been refused (Ezr 4:1-5,24). For 16 years thereafter nothing was done toward rearing the superstructure (Ezr 4:5,24; 5:16); indeed, the Jews became indifferent, and began to build for themselves "ceiled houses" (Hag 1:4). (W. H. Kosters has attempted to show that there was no return under Cyrus, and that Haggai and Zechariah, who never allude to any return, but rather look upon the return as still in the future (compare Zec 2:6,7), preached to the Jews who remained in Jerusalem, never having been carried by Nebuchadnezzar into captivity in 586 BC. But this theory is opposed by too many converging lines of Scriptural statement to warrant serious credence.) With the accession of Darius Hystaspes (i.e. Darius, the son of Hystaspes), the tide turned. Darius was a true successor to Cyrus, and favored religious freedom. Through the influence of the prophets Haggai and Zechariah, the people were roused from their lethargy, and the work of rebuilding was resumed with energy in 520 BC (Hag 1:14,15). The foundations were relaid (Hag 2:18). Four years later, in the 6th year of Darius, the whole structure was completed and dedicated (Ezr 6:15). Meanwhile important events were taking place in the Persian empire. On the death (of Cambyses in 522 BC, the throne had been seized by a usurper, the so-called Pseudo-Smerdis. who held it, however, for some 7 months only. He was murdered by Darius, and the latter was elevated to the throne. But this gave other ambitious pretenders cause to rebel, and many provinces revolted, among them Susiana, Media, Assyria, Armenia, Parthia, and others (compare the famous Behistun inscription). Altogether Darius fought 19 battles in putting down his rivals, and did not succeed in vanquishing all of his foes till the year after Haggai prophesied. This accounts for the prophet’s repeated allusions to Yahweh’s "shaking" the nations (2:6,7,21,22). Haggai seems to regard the "shaking" of the nations as the precursor of the Messianic age. It was, therefore, important from the prophet’s point of view, that Yahweh’s temple should be made ready for the Messiah’s advent, that it might become the religious center of the world (compare Isa 2:2-4). The exact date of Haggai’s preaching was from September to December, 520 BC.

5. Analysis:

Haggai’s prophecies are dated and therefore easily analyzed. They are composed of four distinct discourses, all four being delivered within 4 months’ time in the year 520 BC:

(1) Hag 1, delivered on the 1st day of the 6th month (September), in which the prophet reproaches the people for their indifference to the work of rebuilding the temple, and warns them to consider their ways; assuring them that their procrastination was not due to want of means (1:4), and that God on account of their apathy was withholding the produce of the field (1:10). The effect of this appeal was that 24 days later, all the people, including Zerubbabel and Joshua, began the work of reconstruction (1:14,15).

(2) Hag 2:1-9, delivered on the 21st day of the 7th month (October), which was about one month after the work had been resumed, and containing a note of encouragement to those who felt that the new structure was destined to be so much inferior to Solomon’s temple. The prophet, on the contrary, assures them that the latter glory of the new house shall eclipse that of Solomon’s magnificent temple, for soon a great "shaking" on Yahweh’s part among the nations will usher in the Messianic age, and the precious things of all nations will flow in to beautify it (compare Heb 12:26-28).

(3) Hag 2:10-19, delivered on the 24th day of the 9th month (December) which was exactly 3 months after the building had been resumed, and containing, like the first discourse, a rebuke to the people because of their indifference and inertia. The discourse is couched in the form of a parable (2:11-14), by means of which the prophet explains why the prayers of the people go unanswered. It is because they have so long postponed the completion of the temple; a taint of guilt vitiates everything they do, and blasting and mildew and hail, and consequently unfruitful seasons, are the result. On the other hand, if they will but press forward with the work, Yahweh will again bless them, and fruitful seasons will follow their revived zeal (2:19; compare Zec 8:9-12).

(4) Hag 2:20-23, delivered on the 24th day of the 9th month, the very same day as that on which the discourse in 2:10-19 was delivered. The sequence is immediate. For when Yahweh "shakes" the nations, He will establish Zerubbabel, the representative of the Davidic dynasty and the object of patriotic hopes. When the heathen powers are overthrown, Zerubbabel will stand unshaken as Yahweh’s honored and trusted vicegerent, and as the precious signet on Yahweh’s hand (compare Jer 22:24; So 8:6).

6. Message:

The most striking feature in Haggai’s message is its repeated claim of Divine origin: 5 times in the 38 verses of his prophecies, he tells us that "the word of Yahweh came" unto him (Hag 1:1,3; 2:1,10,20); 4 t, also, he used the formula, "Thus saith Yahweh of hosts" (1:2,5,7; 2:11); 5 times "saith Yahweh of hosts" (1:9; 2:6,7,9,23); and 4 times simply "saith Yahweh" (1:13; 2:4,14,17). Altogether he uses the exalted phrase "Yahweh of hosts" 14 t, besides 19 repetitions of the single but ineffable name "Yahweh." The most striking sentence in all his prophecies is probably that found in 1:13, "Then spake Haggai, Yahweh’s messenger in Yahweh’s message unto the people." His single purpose, as we have above seen, was to encourage the building of the temple. This he seems to have regarded as essential to the purity of Israel’s religion. His key-exhortation is "Consider your ways" (1:5:7; compare 2:15,18). His prophecies reflect the conditions of his age. He points to judgments as a proof of the Divine displeasure (1:9,10; 2:15-19). Unlike the earlier prophets, he does not denounce idolatry; but like his contemporary, Zechariah, and his successor, Malachi, he does lay stress on the external side of religion. Chief interest centers in the somewhat unusual parable contained in Hag 2:10-19, which teaches that holiness is not contagious, but that evil is. "The faint aroma of sanctity coming from their altar and sacrifices was too feeble to pervade the secular atmosphere of their life" (A. B. Davidson, Exile and Restoration, 82). Haggai argues that Israel’s sacrifices for 16 years had been unclean in God’s sight, and had brought them no blessing, because they had left the temple in ruins; and, that while a healthy man cannot give his health to another by touching him, a sick man may easily spread contagion among all those about him. The thought is suggestive. Haggai may or may not have been a priest, "but in so short a prophecy this elaborate allusion to ritual is very significant." Another very striking thought in Haggai’s book is his reference to Zerubbabel as Yahweh’s "servant" and "signet," whom Yahweh has "chosen" (2:23). Wellhausen regards these words as an equivalent to making Zerubbabel the Messiah; but it is enough to think that the prophet is attempting only to restore him to the honorable position from which his grandfather, Jehoiachin, in Jer 22:24, had been degraded. Thus would the prophet link Zerubbabel, the political hope of the post-exilic congregation, to the royal line of Judah. Isaiah speaks of Cyrus in similar terms without any Messianic implication (Isa 44:28; 45:1). On the other hand, the implicit Messianic import of Hag 2:7,8 is recognized on all sides.

7. Style:

Haggai’s style is suited to the contents of his prophecies. While he is less poetical than his predecessors, yet parallelism is not altogether wanting in his sentence (Hag 2:8). Compared with the greater books of prophecy, his brief message has been declared "plain and unadorned," "tame and prosaic"; yet it must be acknowledged that he is not wanting in pathos when he reproves, or in force when he exhorts. Though he labors under a poverty of terms, and frequently repeats the same formulas, yet he was profoundly in earnest, and became the most successful in his purpose of all his class. He was especially fond of interrogation. At best we have only a summary, probably, of what he actually preached.

8. Criticism:

The critical questions involved in Haggai’s case are not serious: Hag 2:5 a, for example, is wanting in the Septuagint; to 2:14 the Septuagint adds from Am 5:10; 5:17 is very similar to, and seems dependent on, Am 4:9; 1:7 b and 13, are rejected by some as later interpolations; while Klostermann and Marti hold that the book as a whole was not written by Haggai at all, but rather about his prophetic activity, a perfectly gratuitous assumption without any substantial proof in its favor.

LITERATURE.

Driver, New Century Bible, "The Minor Prophets," II, 1906; LOT, 1909; G. A. Smith, Expositor’s Bible, "The Twelve Prophets," II, 1898; E. B. Pusey, The Minor Prophets, II, 1878; M. Dods, "Handbooks for Bible Classes," Hag, Zec, Mal; J. Wellhausen, Die kleinen Propheten ubersetzt u. erklart, 1898; W. Nowack, Die kleinen Propheten ubersetzt u. erklart, 1905; K. Marti, Dodekapropheton erklart, 1904; H. G. Mitchell, ICC, 1912.

George L. Robinson

hag’-e-ri.

See HAGRI.

hag’-i (chaggi, "festive"): The second son of Gad (Ge 46:16; Nu 26:15). The latter refers to his descendants as Haggites, of whom nothing else is known.

ha-gi’-a (chaggiyah, "feast of Yah"): Named in 1Ch 6:30 as among the descendants of Levi.

hag’-its.

See HAGGI.

hag’-ith (chaggith, "festal"): According to 2Sa 3:4; 1Ki 1:5,11; 2:13; 1Ch 3:2, the fifth wife of David and the mother of his fourth son, Adonijah. The latter was born in Hebron while David’s capital was there (2Sa 3:4,5).

ha’-gi-a.

See AGIA.

hag-i-og’-ra-fa.

See BIBLE; CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.

hag’-ri (haghri, "wanderer"; the King James Version Haggeri): The father of Mibhar, one of the "mighty men" who rallied round David during his foreign wars. Mentioned only in 1Ch 11:38, whose parallel passage, 2Sa 23:36, gives, instead, the name "Bani the Gadite."

hag’-rits (haghri’im): An Arab tribe, or confederation of tribes (1Ch 5:10,19,20 the King James Version "Hagarites"; 1Ch 27:31 the King James Version "Hagerite"; Ps 83:6 "Hagarenes"), against which the Reubenites fought in the days of Saul. In Ge 25:12-18 are recorded the descendants, "generations," of Ishmael, "whom Hagar the Egyptian Sarah’s handmaid, bare unto Abraham." Two, and possibly three, of these tribes, Jetur, Naphish and Kedemah (25:15), appear to be identical with the 3 tribes whom the Reubenites and the other Israelite tribes East of the Jordan conquered and dispossessed (1Ch 5). The correspondence of names in Ge and 1Ch leaves little doubt that "Hagrite" is a generic term roughly synonymous with "Ishmaelite," designating the irregular and shifting line of desert tribes stretching along the East and South of Palestine. Those "East of Gilead," "Jetur, Naphish and Nodah," were overcome by Reuben: "The Hagrites were delivered into their hand, and all that were with them. .... And they took away their cattle .... they dwelt in their stead until the captivity" (1Ch 5:20-22).

These along with other Arab tribes are mentioned in the inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III (745-727 BC). Jetur gave his name to the Itureans of Roman times, who were famed soldiers dwelling in Anti-Libanus. Compare Curtis, Commentary on Chronicles; Skinner, "Gen," ICC, in the place cited.

Edward Mack

ha’-i (ha-‘ay, "the heap"): Ge 12:8; 13:3 the King James Version; the Revised Version (British and American) AI (which see).

hal (baradh; chalaza):

1. Its Occurrence:

Hail usually falls in the spring or summer during severe thunder storms. Hailstones are made up of alternate layers of ice and snow, and sometimes reach considerable size, causing great damage by their fall. Upward currents of air carry up raindrops already formed to the colder regions above, where they freeze, and as they again pass through layers of cloud, their bulk increases until, too heavy to be carried by the current, they fall to the ground. Hailstorms, like thunder storms, occur in narrow belts a few miles in breadth and are of short duration. Almost without exception they occur in the daytime. If they take place before the time of harvest they do great damage to grain and fruit, and in extreme cases have injured property and endangered life.

2. In Syria:

Hailstorms, while by no means common in Syria and Palestine, are not unusual and are of great severity. They occasionally take place in Egypt. Within a few years hailstones of unusual size fell in Port Said, breaking thousands of windows.

3. Biblical Instances:

(1) The plague of hail (Ex 9:23-24; Ps 78:47), which was a local storm, as they usually are, falling on the Egyptians and not striking the children of Israel in Goshen. It was of great severity. "There was hail, and fire mingled with the hail, very grievous, such as had not been in all the land of Egypt since it became a nation" (Ex 9:24). It took place in January, for the barley "was in the ear, and the flax was in bloom" (Ex 9:31), and caused great damage.

(2) After the battle with the Amorites at Gibeon, "Yahweh cast down great stones from heaven upon them unto Azekah, and they died: they were more who died with the hailstones than they whom the children of Israel slew with the sword" (Jos 10:11).

4. As Punishment:

Hail is often spoken of as a means of punishing the wicked: "As a tempest of hail .... will he cast down" (Isa 28:2); "The hail shall sweep away the refuge of lies" (Isa 28:17); and as symbols of God’s anger: "I will rain .... great hailstones, fire, and brimstone" (Eze 38:22); "There shall be .... great hailstones in wrath to consume it" (Eze 13:13; compare Isa 30:30; Hag 2:17; Re 8:7; 11:19; 16:21).

5. God’s Power:

Yahweh’s power and wisdom are shown in controlling the hail: "Hast thou seen the treasuries of the hail?" (Job 38:22); "Fire and hail, snow and vapor .... fulfilling his word" (Ps 148:8).

Alfred H. Joy

hal: Interjection, found only in the Gospels as the translation of chaire, chairete, imp. of chairo, "to rejoice," is used as a greeting or salutation. The word "Hail" is Old English and was formerly an adjective, used with the verb to be, meaning "well," "sound," "hale," e.g. "Hale be thou." Wycliff has "heil" without the verb, followed by other English VSS, except that the Geneva has "God save thee," in Mt 26:49; 28:9. The word occurs in Mt 26:49; 27:29; 28:9, "all hail"; Mr 15:18; Lu 1:28; Joh 19:3.

See GODSPEED; GREETING.

har (se‘ar, sa‘ar, Aramaic se‘ar, and their derivatives; thrix, gen. case trichos, kome):

1. Hair Fashions:

Hair was worn in different fashions by the Orientals of Biblical times, and not always in the same way among the same people in different epochs. We know this clearly from Egyptian literature and monuments, as well as from the writings of Greek authors (especially Herodotus), that the dwellers on the Nile had their heads shaved in early youth, leaving but a side lock until maturity was attained, when this mark of childhood was taken away. Priests and warriors kept their heads closely shaved; nothing but the exigencies of arduous warfare were allowed to interfere with this custom. On the other hand, the Hebrew people, like their Babylonian neighbors (Herod. i.195), affected long and well-cared-for, bushy curls of hair as emblems of manly beauty. Proofs thereof are not infrequent in the Scriptures and elsewhere. Samson’s (Jud 16:13,19) and Absalom’s (2Sa 14:26) long luxuriant hair is specially mentioned, and the Shulammite sings of the locks of her beloved which are "bushy (the Revised Version, margin "curling"), and black as a raven" (So 5:11). Josephus (Ant., VIII, vii, 3 (185)) reports that Solomon’s body-guard was distinguished by youthful beauty and "luxuriant heads of hair." In the history of Samson we read of "the seven locks of his head" (Jud 16:19). It is likely that the expression signifies the plaits of hair which are even now often worn by the young Bedouin warrior of the desert.

2. Hair in Idol Worship:

It is well known that among the surrounding heathen nations the hair of childhood or youth was often shaved and consecrated at idolatrous shrines (compare Herod. ii.65 for Egypt). Frequently this custom marked an initiatory rite into the service of a divinity (e.g. that of Orotal (Bacchus) in Arabia, Herod. iii.8). It was therefore an abomination of the Gentiles in the eyes of the Jew, which is referred to in Le 19:27; Jer 9:26; 25:23; 49:32. The Syriac version of the latter passage renders, "Ye shall not let your hair grow long" (i.e. in order to cut it as a religious rite in honor of an idol). It is, however, probable that among the Jews, as now among many classes of Mohammedans, the periodical cropping of the hair, when it had become too cumbersome, was connected with some small festivity, when the weight of the hair was ascertained, and its weight in silver was given in charity to the poor. At least, the weighing of Absalom’s hair (2Sa 14:26) may be referred to some such custom, which is not unparalleled in other countries. The use of balances in connection with the shaving-off of the hair in Eze 5:1 is certainly out of the common. See illustration, "Votive Offering," on p. 1302.

3. The Nazirite Vow:

We may also compare the shaving of the head of the Nazirite to these heathen practices, though the resemblance is merely superficial. The man who made a vow to God was responsible to Him with his whole body and being. Not even a hair was to be injured willfully during the whole period of the vow, for all belonged to God. The conclusion of the Nazirite vow was marked by sacrifices and the shaving of the head at the door of the sanctuary (Nu 6:1-21), indicative of a new beginning of life. The long untouched hair was therefore considered as the emblem of personal devotion (or devotedness) to the God of all strength. Thus it was an easy step to the thought that in the hair was the seat of strength of a Samson (Jud 16:17,20). God has numbered the very hairs of the head (Mt 10:30; Lu 12:7), which to human beings conveys the idea of the innumerableness (Ps 40:12; 69:4). What God can number, He can also protect, so that not even a hair of the head might "fall to the earth" or "perish." These phrases express complete safety (1Sa 14:45; 2Sa 14:11; 1Ki 1:52; Lu 21:18; Ac 27:34).

4. Later Fashions:

In New Testament times, especially in the Diaspora, the Jews frequently adopted the fashion of the Romans in cropping the hair closely (1Co 11:14); still the fear of being tainted by the idolatrous practice of the heathen, which is specially forbidden in Le 21:5, was so great that the side locks remained untouched and were permitted to grow ad libitum. This is still the custom among the Jews of Eastern Europe and the Orient.

See also HEAD.

5. Woman’s Hair:

If Hebrew men paid much attention to their hair, it was even more so among Hebrew women. Long black tresses were the pride of the Jewish maiden and matron (So 7:5; Joh 11:2; 1Co 11:5,6,15), but many of the expressions used in connection with the "coiffures" of women do not convey to us more than a vague idea. The "locks" of the King James Version in So 4:1,3; 6:7; Isa 47:2 (tsemmah) probably do not refer to the hair, but should be translated (as does the Revised Version (British and American), which follows the Septuagint) by "veil." dallah (So 7:5), signifies the slender threads which represent the unfinished web in the loom (compare Isa 38:12), and thence the flowing hair of women (the Revised Version (British and American) "hair"). rehaTim (the Revised Version (British and American) "tresses"), in the same verse of the So of Songs means literally the "gutters" at which the flocks were watered (compare Ge 30:38,41), and thus the long plaits of the maiden with which the lover toys and in which he is held captive. The braiding or dressing of woman’s hair is expressed in 2Ki 9:30 and Judith 10:3. In New Testament times Christian women are warned against following the fashionable world in elaborate hairdressing (1Ti 2:9; 1Pe 3:3).

6. Barbers:

The care of the hair, especially the periodical cutting of the same, early necessitated the trade of the barber. The Hebrew word gallabh is found in Eze 5:1, and the plural form of the same word occurs in an inscription at Citium (Cyprus) (CIS, 1586), where the persons thus described clearly belonged to the priests or servants of a temple.

See BARBER.

7. Ointments:

Numerous were the cosmetics and ointments applied to the hair (Ec 9:8; Mt 6:17; perhaps Ru 3:3), but some, reserved for sacramental purposes, were prohibited for profane use (Ex 30:32; Ps 133:2). Such distinction we find also in Egypt, where the walls of temple laboratories were inscribed with extensive recipes of such holy oils, while the medical papyri (see especially Papyrus Ebers, plates 64-67) contain numerous ointments for the hair, the composition of some of which is ascribed to a renowned queen of antiquity. Even Greek and Roman medical authors have transmitted to us the knowledge of some such prescriptions compounded, it is said, by Queen Cleopatra VI of Egypt, the frivolous friend of Caesar and Antony (see my dissertation, Die uber die medicinischen Kenntnisse der alten Aegypter berichtenden Papyri, ere, Leipzig, 1888, 121-32). We know from Josephus (Ant., XVI, viii, 1 (233)), that Herod the Great, in his old age, dyed his hair black, a custom, however, which does not appear to be specifically Jewish, as hair-dyes as well as means for bleaching the hair were well known in Greece and Rome. It is certain that the passage Mt 5:36 would not have been spoken, had this been a common custom in the days of the Lord. A special luxury is mentioned by Josephus (Ant., VIII, vii, 3 (185)), who states that the young men who formed the body-guard of King Solomon were in the habit, on festive occasions, of sprinkling their long hair with gold-dust (psegma chrusou).

For the Jews the anointing of the head was synonymous with joy and prosperity (compare Ps 23:5; 92:10; Heb 1:9; compare also "oil of joy," Isa 61:3, and "oil of gladness," Ps 45:7). It was also, like the washing of feet, a token of hospitality (Ps 23:5; Lu 7:46).

On the contrary, it was the custom in times of personal or national affliction and mourning to wear the hair unanointed and disheveled, or to cover the head with dust and ashes (2Sa 14:2; Jos 7:6; Job 2:12), or to tear the hair or to cut it off (Ezr 9:3; Ne 13:25; Jer 7:29).

8. Symbolical Use of Word:

We have referred to the thickness of hair which supplied the Hebrew with a suitable expression for the conception "innumerable." Hair is also expressive of minuteness; thus the 700 left-handed men of Benjamin were able to "sling stones at a hairbreadth, and not miss" (Jud 20:16). Gray hairs and the hoary white of old age were highly honored by the Jews (Pr 16:31; 20:29; APC 2Macc 6:23). Besides expressing old age (Isa 46:4), they stand for wisdom (The Wisdom of Solomon 4:9 (10)). Sometimes white hair is the emblem of a glorious, if not Divine, presence (Da 7:9; APC 2Macc 15:13; Re 1:14). Calamity befalling the gray-headed was doubly terrible (Ge 42:38; 44:29). The "hair of the flesh" is said to "stand up" (Job 4:15; APC Sirach 27:14) when sudden terror or fear takes hold of a person. The symbolical language of Isa 7:20 uses the "hair of the feet" (see FEET) and "the beard" as synonymous with "the humble" and the "mighty of the people."

Camel’s hair (Mt 3:4; Mr 1:6) is mentioned in connection with the description of John the Baptist’s raiment. It represents, according to Jerome, a rough shirt worn under the coat or wrapper, though a rather soft fabric is produced in Arabia from the finer wool of the camel.

Goat’s hair was the material of a cloth used for wearing apparel and for a more or less waterproof covering of tents and bundles. It is the black tent-cloth of Kedar’ (So 1:5; Ex 26:7; 36:14). In New Testament times it was the special product of Paul’s native province, Cilicia, whence its name cilicium, and its manufacture formed the apostle’s own trade (Ac 18:3). It is also mentioned as a material for stuffing pillows (1Sa 19:13).

See also WEAVING.

H. L. E. Luering

See PUNISHMENTS.

hak’-a-tan (ha-qaTan, "the little one"): The father of Johanan, who returned with Ezra to Jerusalem (Ezr 8:12 = Akatan, APC 1Esdras 8:38).

hak’-oz (haqqots, or ha-qots, "the nimble"):

(1) A priest and chief of the 7th course of Aaron’s sons selected by David (1Ch 24:10). According to Ezr 2:61; Ne 3:4,21; 7:63, his descendants returned with Zerubbabel from the captivity. But the King James Version considers the name in Ezra and Nehemiah as having the article prefixed, hence renders "Koz."

(2) One of Judah’s descendants (1Ch 4:8).

ha-ku’-fa (chaqupha’ "incitement"). A family name of some of the Nethinim who returned with Zerubbabel from Babylon (Ezr 2:51; Ne 7:53).

ha’-la (chalach; Halae, Hallae, Chaach, for Chalach, Chala; Vulgate (Jerome’s Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) Hala):

1. Many Identifications:

Mentioned in 2Ki 17:6; 18:11; 1Ch 5:26, as one of the places to which the kings of Assyria sent the exiled Israelites (see GOZAN; HABOR). Various identifications have been proposed, all of them except the last more or less improbable for philological reasons:

(1) the Assyrian Kalach (Nimrud, the Calah of Ge 10:11);

(2) the Assyrian Hilakku (Cilicia);

(3) Chalkitis in Mesopotamia (Ptol. v.18, 4), adjoining Gauzanitis (Gozan)—a good position otherwise;

(4) the Calachene of Strabo, in the North of Assyria. Equally unsuitable, also, is

(5) the Chalonitis of Pliny and Strabo, Northeast of Assyria, notwithstanding that this was apparently called Halah by the Syrians. An attractive identification was

(6) with the river Balikh (by change of "H" into "B")—compare Septuagint "in Halae and in Habor, rivers of Gozan"—but even this has to be abandoned in favor of

(7) the Assyrian Halahhu, which (except the doubling and the case-ending) is the same, letter for letter.

2. The Most Probable of Them:

It is mentioned in the W. Asia Inscr, II, plural 53, l. 35, between Arrapha (Arrapachitis) and Racappu (Reseph). According to the tablet K. 123, where it is called mat Halahhi, "the land of Halahhu," it apparently included the towns Se-bise, Se-irrisi, Lu-ammu(ti?), and Se-Akkulani, apparently four grain-producing centers for the Assyrian government. The first quotation implies that Halah was near or in Gauzanitis, and had a chief town of the same name. Of the 8 personal names in K. 123, 5 are Assyrian, the remainder being Syrian rather than Israelite.

T. G. Pinches

ha’-lak (ha-har he-chalaq): A mountain that marked the southern limit of the conquests of Joshua (Jos 11:17; 12:7). It is spoken of as the "mount Halak (literally, "the bare" or "smooth mountain") that goeth up to Seir." The latter passage locates it on the West of the Arabah. The southern boundary of the land is defined by the ascent of Akrabbim (Nu 34:4; Jos 15:3). This may with some certainty be identified with the pass known today as naqb es-Safa, "pass of the smooth rock," through which runs the road from the South to Hebron. To the Southwest opens Wady Maderah, a continuation of Waddy el-Fiqrah, in which there rises a conspicuous hill, Jebel Maderah, composed of limestone, answering well the description of a bare or smooth mountain. It is a striking feature of the landscape viewed from all sides, and may well be the mount here referred to.

See also HOR, MOUNT.

W. Ewing

ha-la’-ka.

See TALMUD.

hal, hal’-ing (OE halen): "To pull" or drag, the King James Version translation of suro, "to draw or drag" (Ac 8:3, "haling men and women," the American Standard Revised Version "dragging"), and of katasuro, "to drag down" or "force along" (Lu 12:58, "lest he hale thee to the judge," the American Standard Revised Version "lest haply he drag thee unto the judge"). A more frequent modern form is "haul."

haf.

See NUMBER.

hal’-hul (chalchul): A city in the hill country of Judah (Jos 15:58), "Halhul, Beth-zur and Gedor." It is without doubt the modern Chalchul, a village on a hill, surrounded by fine fields and vineyards, some 4 miles North of Hebron and less than a mile to the East of the modern carriage road. It is conspicuous from a considerable distance on account of its ancient mosque, Wely Nebi Yulnas, the "shrine of the Prophet Jonah"—a tradition going back at least to the 14th century. The mosque, which has a minaret or tower, is built upon a rock platform artificially leveled. In the 14th century it was stated by Isaac Chilo (a Jewish pilgrim) that the tomb of Gad the Seer (1Sa 22:5; 2Sa 24:11 f) was situated in this town. Beth-zur (Belt Sur) and Gedor (Jedur) are both near. In Josephus (BJ, IV, ix, 6) we read of an Alurus (where the Idumeans assembled), and in Jerome (OS 119 7) of a village Alula near Hebron, which both probably refer to the same place (PEF, III, 305; Sh XXI).

E. W. G. Masterman

ha’-li (chali): A town named with Helkath, Beten and Achshaph on the border of Asher (Jos 19:25). No certain identification is possible; but it may be represented by the modern Khirbet ‘Alia, circa 13 miles Northeast of Acre.

hal-i-kar-nas’-us (Halikarnassos): The largest and strongest city of the ancient country of Caria in Asia Minor, situated on the shore of a bay, 15 miles from the island of Cos. Its site was beautiful; its climate temperate and even; the soil of the surrounding country was unusually fertile and noted for its abundance of fig, orange, lemon, olive and almond trees. When the ancient country fell into the possession of the Persians, the kings of Caria were still permitted to rule. One of the rulers was the famous queen Artemisia who fought at the battle of Salamis. The most famous of the kings, however, was Maussollos (Mausolus), who ruled from 373 to 353 BC, and the tomb in which he was buried was long considered one of the wonders of the ancient world. Pliny describes the tomb as a circular structure, 140 ft. high, 411 ft. in circumference, and surrounded by 36 columns; it was covered with a pyramidal dome. The ancient writer Vitruvius, in his description of the city, says that the agora was along the shore; back of it was the mausoleum, and still farther away was the temple of Mars. To the right of the agora were the temples of Venus and Mercury, and to the left was the palace of Maussollos. Alexander the Great destroyed the city only after a long siege, but he was unable to take the acropolis. The city never quite recovered, yet it was later distinguished as the supposed birthplace of Herodotus and Dionysius. That a number of Jews lived there is evident from the fact, according to 1 Macc 15:23, that in the year 139 BC, a letter was written by the Roman Senate in their behalf. In the 1st century BC, a decree was issued granting to the Jews in Halicarnassus liberty to worship "according to the Jewish laws, and to make their proseuche at the sea-side, according to the customs of their forefathers" (Josephus, Ant, XIV, x, 23).

The modern town of Budrun, which represents the ancient Halicarnassus and covers a part of its site, stands a little to the West of the castle of Peter. This castle was erected by the Knights of Rhodes in 1404 AD, partly from the ruins of the mausoleum. Lord Redcliffe, who explored the ruins in 1846, sent many of the sculptured slabs from the castle to the British Museum where they may now be seen. Sir C. Newton conducted excavations there in 1857-58, adding other sculptures to the collection in the British Museum. He discovered the foundation of the Ionic temple of Aphrodite, and the greenstone foundation of the mausoleum upon which modern Turkish houses had been built. He also opened several tombs which were outside the ancient city. The city walls, built by Maussollos about 360 BC, and defining the borders of the ancient city, are still preserved; but the ancient harbor which was protected by a mole, has now disappeared. The ruins may best be reached by boat from the island of Cos.

E. J. Banks

hol (Lu 22:55 the King James Version).

See HOUSE.

See JUDGMENT HALL; PRAETORIUM.

ha-lal’, hal’-el: In the fifth book of the Psalms (107-50) there are several groups of Hallelujah Psalms: 104-106; 111-113; 115-117; 135; 146-150. In the worship of the synagogue Psalms 135-136 and 146-150 were used in the daily morning service. Psalms 113-118 were called the "Egyp Hallel," and were sung at the feasts of the Passover, Pentecost, Tabernacles and Dedication. At the Passover, Psalms 113 and 114 (according to the school of Shammai only Ps 113) were sung before the feast, and Psalms 115-118 after drinking the last cup. The song used by our Lord and the disciples on the night of the betrayal (Mt 26:30), just before the departure for the Mount of Olives, probably included Psalms 115-118.

John Richard Sampey

hal-e-loo’-ya (halela-yah, "praise ye Yah"; allelouia): The word is not a compound, like many of the Hebrew words which are composed of the abbreviated form of "Yahweh" and some other word, but has become a compound word in the Greek and other languages. Even if the Jews perhaps had become accustomed to use it as a compound, it is never written as such in the text. In some Psalms, Hallelujah is an integral part of the song (Ps 135:3), while in others it simply serves as a liturgical interjection found either at the beginning (Ps 111) or at the close (Ps 104) of the psalms or both (Ps 146). The Hallelujah Psalms are found in three groups: 104-106; 111-113; 146-150. In the first group, Hallelujah is found at the close of the psalm as a lit. interjection (106:1 is an integral part of the psalm). In the second group, Hallelujah is found at the beginning (113:9 is an integral part of the psalm depending on the adjective "joyful"). In the third group, Hallelujah is found both at the close and at the beginning of the psalms. In all other cases, (Pss 115; 116; 117) Hallelujah seems to be an integral part of the psalms. These three groups were probably taken from an older collection of psalms like the group Psalms 120-134. In the New Testament Hallelujah is found as part of the song of the heavenly host (Re 19:1 ). The word is preserved as a liturgical interjection by the Christian church generally.

A. L. Breslich

ha-lo’-hesh (ha-lochesh, "the whisperer," "the slanderer"): A post-exilic chief whose son Shallum assisted in repairing the walls of Jerusalem (Ne 3:12, the King James Version "Halohesh"). He was also one of the leaders who signed the national covenant (Ne 10:24 (Hebrew 25)).

hal’-o, hal’-od, hal’-o-ed ("to render or treat as holy," Anglo-Saxon halgian, from halig, "holy"): It translates several forms of qadhash, "set apart," "devote," "consecrate," frequently rendered in the King James Version, the Revised Version (British and American), the American Standard Revised Version "consecrate," "dedicate," "holy," and especially "sanctify," closely synonymous, "hallow" perhaps containing more of the thought of reverence, sacredness, holiness. It embraces the idea of marked separateness. It is applied to persons, as the priest (Le 22:2,3); to places or buildings, as the middle of the temple court (1Ki 8:64); the tabernacle (Ex 40:9); to things, like the portion of the sacrifice set apart for the priests (Nu 18:8); to times and seasons, as the Sabbath (Jer 17:22; Eze 20:20) and the Jubilee year (Le 25:10); to God Himself (Le 22:32). Its underlying idea of the separateness of holy nature or holy use works out into several often overlapping senses: (1) To set apart, dedicate, offer, reserve, for the worship or service of God: Ex 28:38, "The holy things, which the children of Israel shall hallow in all their holy gifts"; also Le 22:3; Nu 18:29, etc.; 2Ki 12:4, "All the money the hallowed things" (the King James Version "dedicated"), etc. (2) To make holy, by selecting, setting apart, claiming, or acknowledging as His own: Ge 2:3, "God blessed the seventh day, and hallowed it" (the King James Version "sanctified"); but Ex 20:11 (King James Version, the English Revised Version, the American Standard Revised Version), "hallowed." So of the temple (1Ki 9:7); of the firstborn, spared in Egypt (Nu 3:13). (3) To dedicate or consecrate by formal ceremonial, with the accompanying idea of cleansing from sin and uncleanness: Ex 29:1, "This is the thing that thou shalt do unto them (Aaron and his sons) to hallow them, to minister unto me in the priest’s office." The whole chapter is devoted to the elaborate ceremonial, consisting of ablutions, endowment in priestly robes and paraphernalia, anointing with oil, the offering of a bullock for a sin offering, and of a ram, the placing of the blood of another ram upon the right ear, right thumb, right great toe of each, the wave offering, the anointing of the holy garments, and the eating of the consecrated food, all this lasting seven days, and indicating the completeness with which they were set apart, the deep necessity of purification, and the solemnity and sacredness of the office. The tabernacle and its furniture were similarly "hallowed" by a simpler ceremony, using the anointing oil. (4) To render ritually fit for religious service, worship, or use: Le 16:19, "Hallow it (the altar with the sprinkled blood) from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel"; Nu 6:11, "The priest shall .... make atonement for him, for that he sinned by reason of the dead, and shall hallow his head that same day." (5) To hold sacred, reverence, keep holy: Jer 17:22, "But hallow ye the Sabbath day," by keeping it distinct and separate, especially (Jer 17:24,27) by refraining from unnecessary work, from burden-bearing, travel, or traffic (Ne 13:16). See Ex 20:8-11 (the Sabbath Commandment). (6) To revere, hold in awe, and reverence as holy and "separated from sinners" in majesty, power, sacredness: Le 22:32, "And ye shall not profane my holy name; but I will be hallowed among the children of Israel." Qadhash is elsewhere translated "sanctify" in this connection, meaning "to be manifested in awe-producing majesty, power, or grace": Eze 38:23, "And I will .... sanctify myself, and I will make myself known in the eyes of many nations; and they shall know that I am Yahweh"; compare Eze 28:22,23, etc.

In the New Testament "hallow" occurs only in the "Lord’s Prayer," there rendering hagiazo, the Septuagint word for qadhash: Mt 6:9; Lu 11:2, "Hallowed be thy name." Hagiazo is quite frequent in the New Testament, and is always (American Standard Revised Version) rendered "sanctify," except here, and in Re 22:11, "He that is holy, let him be made holy still." To "hallow the name" includes not only the inward attitude and outward action of profound reverence and active praise, but also that personal godliness, loving obedience and aggressive Christlikeness, which reveal the presence of God in the life, which is His true earthly glory.

Philip Wendell Crannell

holt (tsala‘, "to limp"; cholos, "lame," "crippled"): the American Standard Revised Version in Ge 32:31 prefers "limped"; in Mic 4:6,7; Ze 3:19, "is (or was) lame"; in Lu 14:21, the American Standard Revised Version and the English Revised Version have "lame." In 1Ki 18:21 a different word (pacach) is used in English Versions of the Bible of moral indecision: "How long halt ye between two opinions?" the American Standard Revised Version renders, "How long go ye limping between the two sides?"

ham (cham; Cham):

1. The Youngest Son of Noah:

The youngest son of Noah, from whom sprang the western and southwestern nations known to the Hebrews. His name first occurs in Ge 5:32, where, as in 6:10 and elsewhere, it occupies the second place. In Ge 9:18 Ham is described as "the father of Canaan," to prepare the reader for 9:25-27, where Noah, cursing Ham for having told Shem and Japheth of his nakedness, refers to him as Canaan. On account of this, it has been suggested that "Canaan" stood originally in all the passages where the three brothers are spoken of, and that this was later changed to "Ham," except in the verses containing the curse. It seems more likely, however, that the name "Canaan" is inserted prophetically, as Noah would not desire to curse his son, but only one branch of that son’s descendants, who were later the principal adversaries of the Hebrews.

2. Ham as a Nationality:

The name given, in Ps 105:23,17; 106:22 (compare 78:51), to Egypt as a descendant of Ham, son of Noah. As Shem means "dusky," or the like, and Japheth "fair," it has been supposed that Ham meant, as is not improbable, "black." This is supported by the evidence of Hebrew and Arabic, in which the word chamam means "to be hot" and "to be black," the latter signification being derived from the former.

3. Meaning of the Word:

That Ham is connected with the native name of Egypt, Kem, or, in full pa ta’ en Kem, "the land of Egypt," in Bashmurian Coptic Kheme, is unlikely, as this form is probably of a much later date than the composition of Gen, and, moreover, as the Arabic shows, the guttural is not a true kh, but the hard breathing h, which are both represented by the Hebrew cheth.

4. The Nations Descending from Ham:

Of the nationalities regarded as descending from Ham, none can be described as really black. First on the list, as being the darkest, is Cush or Ethiopia (Ge 10:6), after which comes Mitsrayim, or Egypt, then PuT or Libyia, and Canaan last. The sons or descendants of each of these are then taken in turn, and it is noteworthy that some of them, like the Ethiopians and the Canaanites, spoke Semitic, and not Hamitic, languages—Seba (if connected with the Sabeans), Havilah (Yemen), and Sheba, whose queen visited Solomon. Professor Sayce, moreover, has pointed out that Caphtor is the original home of the Phoenicians, who spoke a Semitic language. The explanation of this probably is that other tongues were forced upon these nationalities in consequence of their migrations, or because they fell under the dominion of nationalities alien to them. The non-Sem Babylonians, described as descendants of Nimrod (Merodach), as is welI known, spoke Sumerian, and adopted Semitic Babylonian only on account of mingling with the Semites whom they found there. Another explanation is that the nationalities described as Hamitic—a parallel to those of the Semitic section—were so called because they fell under Egyptian dominion. This would make the original Hamitic race to have been Egyptian and account for Ham as a (poetical) designation of that nationality. Professor F. L. Griffith has pointed out that the Egyptian Priapic god of Panopolis (Akhmim), sometimes called Menu, but also apparently known as Khem, may have been identified with the ancestor of the Hamitic race—he was worshipped from the coast of the Red Sea to Coptos, and must have been well known to Egypt’s eastern neighbors. He regards the characteristics of Menu as being in accord with the shamelessness of Ham as recorded in Ge 9:20 ff.

See JAPHETH; SHEM; TABLE OF NATIONS.

T. G. Pinches

(ham):

(1) A place East of the Jordan named between Ashteroth-karnaim and Shaveh-kiriathaim, in which Chedorlaomer smote the Zu-zim (Ge 14:5). No name resembling this has been recovered. Septuagint reads bahem "with them," instead of beham, "in Ham." Some have thought that "Ham" may be a corruption from "Ammon"; or that it may be the ancient name of Rabbath-ammon itself.

(2) A poetical appellation of Egypt: "the land of Ham" (Ps 105:23, etc.) is the land of Jacob’s sojourning, i.e. Egypt; "the tents of Ham" (Ps 78:51) are the dwellings of the Egyptians. It may be derived from the native name of Egypt, Kemi, or Khemi.

See MIZRAIM; SHEM.

W. Ewing

John Urquhart

ha’-math (chamath; Hemath, Haimath; Swete also has Hemath): The word signifies a defense or citadel, and such designation was very suitable for this chief royal city of the Hittites, situated between their northern and southern capitals, Carchemish and Kadesh, on a gigantic mound beside the Orontes. In Am 6:2 it is named Great Hamath, but not necessarily to distinguish it from other places of the same name.

1. Early History:

The Hamathite is mentioned in Ge 10:18 among the sons of Canaan, but in historic times the population, as the personal names testify, seems to have been for the most part Semitic. The ideal boundary of Israel reached the territory, but not the city of Hamath (Nu 34:8; Jos 13:5; Eze 47:13-21). David entered into friendly relations with Toi, its king (2Sa 8:9 ), and Solomon erected store cities in the land of Hamath (2Ch 8:4). In the days of Ahab we meet with it on the cuneiform inscriptions, under the name mat hamatti, and its king Irhuleni was a party to the alliance of the Hittites with Ben-hadad of Damascus and Ahab of Israel against Shalmaneser II; but this was broken up by the battle of Qarqar in 854 BC, and Hamath became subject to Assyria. Jeroboam II attacked, partially destroyed, and held it for a short time (2Ki 14:28; Am 6:2). In 730 BC, its king Eniilu paid tribute to Tiglath-pileser, but he divided its lands among his generals, and transported 1,223 of its inhabitants to Sura on the Tigris. In 720, Sargon "rooted out the land of Hamath and dyed the skin of Ilubi’idi (or Jau-bi’idi) its king, like wool" and colonized the country with 4,300 Assyrians, among whom was Deioces the Mede. A few

years later Sennacherib also claims to have taken it (2Ki 18:34; 19:13). In Isa 11:11, mention is made of Israelites in captivity at Hamath, and Hamathites were among the colonists settled in Samaria (2Ki 17:24) by Esarhaddon in 675 BC. Their special object of worship was Ashima, which, notwithstanding various conjectures, has not been identified.

2. Later History:

The Hamathite country is mentioned in 1 Macc 12:25 in connection with the movements of Demetrius and Jonathan. The Seleucids renamed it Epiphaneia (Josephus, Ant, I, vi, 2), and by this name it was known to the Greeks and the Romans, even appearing as Paphunya in Midrash Ber Rab chapter 37. Locally, however, the ancient name never disappeared, and since the Moslem conquest it has been known as Hama. Saladin’s family ruled it for a century and a half, but after the death of Abul-fida in 1331 it sank into decay.

3. Modern Condition:

The position of Hama in a fruitful plain to the East of the Nusairiyeh Mountains, on the most frequented highway between Mesopotamia and Egypt, and on the new railway, gives it again, as in ancient times, a singular significance, and it is once more rising in importance. The modern town is built in four quarters around the ancient citadel-mound, and it has a population of at least 80,000. It is now noted for its gigantic irrigating wheels. Here, too, the Hittite inscriptions were first found and designated Hamathite.

4. Entering in of Hamath:

In connection with the northern boundary of Israel, "the entering in of Hamath" is frequently mentioned (Nu 13:21; 1Ki 8:65, etc., the American Standard Revised Version "entrance"). It has been sought in the Orontes valley, between Antioch and Seleucia, and also at Wady Nahr el-Barid, leading down from Homs to the Mediterranean to the North of Tripoli. But from the point of view of Palestine, it must mean some part of the great valley of Coele-Syria (Biqa’a). It seems that instead of translating, we should read here a place-name—"Libo of Hamath"—and the presence of the ancient site of Libo (modern Leboue) 14 miles North-Northeast of Baalbek, at the head-waters of the Orontes, commanding the strategical point where the plain broadens out to the North and to the South, confirms us in this conjecture.

W. M. Christie

ha’-math-zo’-ba (chamath tsobhah; Baisoba) :Mentioned only in 2Ch 8:3. Apart from Great Hamath no site answering to this name is known. It does not seem to be implied that Solomon took possession of Hamath itself, but rather that he "confirmed" his dominion over parts of the kingdom of Zobah, which on its fall may have been annexed by Hamath. The Septuagint’s Codex Vaticanus suggests a reading—Bethzobah—omitting all reference to Hamath. On the other hand, the geographical distinctions between Zobah and Hamath having passed away long before Chronicles was written, the double name may have been used to indicate generally the extent of Solomon’s conquests, as also to avoid confusion with the Zobah in the Hauran (2Sa 23:36).

W. M. Christie

ham’-ath (chammath, "hot spring"):

(1) "The father of the house of Rechab" (1Ch 2:55).

(2) One of the fenced cities of Naphtali, named with Zer, Rakkath and Chinnereth (Jos 19:35). It is doubtless identical with Emmaus mentioned by Josephus (Ant., XVIII, ii, 3; BJ, IV, i, 3) as near Tiberias, on the shore of the lake of Gennesareth. It is represented by the modern el-Chammam, nearly 2 miles South of Tiberias. It was, of course, much nearer the ancient Tiberias, which lay South of the present city. The hot baths here, "useful for healing," in the time of Josephus, have maintained their reputation. In recent years, indeed, there has been a marked increase in the number of sick persons from all parts who visit the baths. The waters are esteemed specially valuable for rheumatism and skin troubles. In the large public bath the water has a temperature of over 140 degree Fahr. Parts of the ancient fortification still cling to the mountain side above the baths; and the remains of an aqueduct which brought fresh water from sources in the Southwest may be traced along the face of the slopes. Hammath is identical with Hammon (1Ch 6:76); and probably also with Hammoth-dor (Jos 21:32).

W. Ewing

ha-me’-a, ham’-e-a (ha-me’ah (Ne 3:1); the King James Version Meah): The origin of the name is obscure; in the margin the meaning is given "Tower of the hundred"; it has been suggested that it may have been 100 cubits high or had 100 steps. It was the most important point on the walls of Jerusalem in going West from the Sheep Gate, and is mentioned along with the T. of HANANEL (which see) (Ne 3:1), and was therefore near the Northeast corner, and probably stood where the Baris and Antonia afterward were, near the Northwest corner of the charam where are today the Turkish barracks.

See JERUSALEM.

E. W. G. Masterman

ham-e-da’-tha (hammedhatha’): The father of Haman (Es 3:1). He is generally termed the "Agagite"; the name is of Persian etymology, signifying "given by the moon."

ham’-e-lek (ha-melekh, "the king"): Wrongly translated as a proper name in the King James Version. It should be rendered "the king," as in the American Standard Revised Version (Jer 36:26; 38:6).

ham’-er: The Hebrew maqqebheth, occurs in Jud 4:21, where it refers to the mallet (probably wooden) used to drive tent-pins into the ground. The same word occurs in 1Ki 6:7; Isa 44:12; Jer 10:4 as applied to a workman’s hammer. paTTish (compare Arabic, fatis), occurs in Isa 41:7; Jer 23:29; 50:23. It was probably a blacksmith’s hammer or heavy hammer used for breaking rock. There is doubt about the rendering of Jud 5:26, where the word, halmuth, occurs. From the context, the instrument mentioned was probably not a hammer. In Ps 74:6, kelaph, is better translated "axes," not "hammers."

See TOOLS.

James A. Patch

ha-mif’-kad (sha‘ar ha-miphqadh, "Gate of the Muster"): One of the gates of Jerusalem (Ne 3:31) not mentioned elsewhere; probably situated near the Northeast corner of the Temple area.

ha-mol’-e-keth (hamolekheth, "the queen"; Septuagint Malecheth; the King James Version Hammoleketh): The daughter of Machir and sister of Gilead (1Ch 7:18).

ham’-on (chammon, "glowing"):

(1) A place on the seaward frontier of Asher, named with Rehob and Kanah (Jos 19:28), to be sought, therefore, not far from Tyre. The most probable identification so far suggested is with Umm el’Amud, "mother of the column" (or ‘Awamid, "columns"), at the mouth of Wady Chamul, on the shore, about 10 miles South of Tyre. An inscription found by Renan shows that the place was associated with the worship of Ba‘al Chamman (CIS, I, 8).

(2) A city in Naphtali, given to the Gershonite Levites (1Ch 6:76). It is identical with Hammath (Jos 19:35), and probably also with Hammoth-dor (Jos 21:32).

W. Ewing

ham-oth-dor’ (chammoth do’r; Emathdor, as also several corrupt forms): A fenced, Levitical city of Naphtali (Jos 19:35; 21:32); also named Hammen (1Ch 6:61 Hebrew). Probably the hammatu of the Karnak lists, and the hamatam of WAI, II, 53; certainly the Emmaus of Josephus, Ant, XVIII, ii, 3; BJ, IV, i, 3; Hamata of ‘Erubhin v. 5; Meghillah 2b, and the modern el-Hammam, 1 1/2 miles South of Tiberias. The name signifies "hot springs," and these, 4 in number, still exist. They have a temperature of 144 degree F., are salt and bitter in taste and sulfurous in smell. Considered invaluable for rheumatism, they are crowded in June and July. This health-giving reputation is of ancient date. It is mentioned in Josephus, BJ, IV, i, 3; and a coin of Tiberias of the reign of Trajan depicts Hygeia sitting on a rock beside the springs, feeding the serpent of Aesculapius. Being used for pleasure also, they were permitted to the Jew on the Sabbath, whereas had they been used only medicinally, they would have been forbidden (Babylonian Talmud, Shab 109a; compare Mt 12:10).

W. M. Christie

ham’-u-el (chammu’el, "wrath of God"): A son of Mishma, a Simeonite, of the family of Shaul (1Ch 4:26).

cham-oo-ra’-be:

1. Etymology of His Name, with Reference to Amraphel; His Dynasty

2. The Years Following His Accession

3. Military Operations and Further Pious Works. Inauguration of His Image

4. The Capture of Rim-Sin

5. Various Works, and an Expedition to Mesopotamia

6. His Final Years

7. No Record of His Expedition to Palestine

8. The Period When It May Have Taken Place

9. Hammurabi’s Greatness as a Ruler

1. Etymology of His Name with Reference to Amraphel; His Dynasty:

2. The Years Following His Accession:

Concerning Hammurabi’s early life nothing is recorded, but since he reigned at least 43 years, he must have been young when he came to the throne. His accession was apparently marked by some improvement in the administration of the laws, wherein, as the date-list says, he "established righteousness." After this, the earlier years of his reign were devoted to such peaceful pursuits as constructing the shrines and images of the gods, and in his 6th year he built the wall of the city of Laz. In his 7th year he took Unug (Erech) and Isin—two of the principal cities of Babylonia, implying that the Dynasty of Babylon had not held sway in all the states.

3. Military Operations and Further Pious Works. Inauguration of His Image:

While interesting himself in the all-important work of digging canals, he found time to turn his attention to the land of Yamutbalu (8th year), and in his 10th he possibly conquered, or received the homage of, the city and people (or the army) of Malgia or Malga. Next year the city Rabiku was taken by a certain Ibik-Iskur, and also, seemingly, a place called Salibu. The inauguration of the throne of Zer-panitum, and the setting up, seemingly, of some kind of royal monument, followed, and was succeeded by other religious duties—indeed, work of this nature would seem to have occupied him every year until his 21st, when he built the fortress or fortification of the city Bazu. His 22nd year is described as that of his own image as king of righteousness; and the question naturally arises, whether this was the date when he erected the great stele found at Susa in Elam, inscribed with his Code of Laws, which is now in the Louvre. Next year he seems to have fortified the city of Sippar, where, it is supposed, this monument was originally erected.

4. The Capture of Rim-Sin:

Pious works again occupied him until his 30th year, when the army of Elam is referred to, possibly indicating warlike operations, which paved the way for the great campaign of his 31st year, when, "with the help of Anu and Enlil," he captured Yamut-balu and King Rim-Sin, the well-known ruler of Larsa. In his 32nd year he destroyed the army of Asnunna or Esnunnak.

5. Various Works, and an Expedition to Mesopotamia:

After these victories, Hammurabi would seem to have been at peace, and in his 33rd year he dug the canal Hammurabi-nuhus-nisi, "Hammurabi the abundance of the people," bringing to the fields of his subjects fertility, "according to the wish of Enlila." The restoration of the great temple at Erech came next, and was followed by the erection of a fortress, "high like a mountain," on the banks of the Tigris. He also built the fortification of Rabiku on the bank of the Tigris, implying preparations for hostilities, and it was possibly on account of this that the next year he made supplication to Tasmetum, the spouse of Nebo. The year following (his 37th), "by the command of Anu and Enlila," the fortifications of Maur and Malka were destroyed, after which the country enjoyed a twelve-month of peace. In all probability, however, this was to prepare for the expedition of his 39th year, when he subjugated Turukku, Kagmu and Subartu, a part of Mesopotamia. The length of this year-date implies that the expedition was regarded as being of importance.

6. His Final Years:

Untroubled by foreign affairs, the chief work of Hammurabi during his 40th year was the digging of the canal Tisit-Enlila, at Sippar, following this up by the restoration of the temple E-mete-ursag and a splendid temple-tower dedicated to Zagaga and Istar. The defenses of his country were apparently his last thought, for his 43rd year, which seemingly terminated his reign and his life, was devoted to strengthening the fortifications of Sippar, a work recorded at greater length in several cylinder-inscriptions found on the site.

7. No Record of an Expedition to Palestine:

Unfortunately none of the documents referring to his reign makes mention of his attack, in company with the armies of Chedorlaomer, Tidal and Arioch, upon the rebel-kings of Sodom and Gomorrah. This naturally throws doubt on the identification of Hammurabi with the Amraphel of Ge 14:1 ff. It must be remembered, however, that we do not possess a complete history either of his life or his rule. That he was a contemporary of Arioch seems undoubted, and if this be the case, Chedorlaomer and Tidal were contemporaries too. Various reasons might be adduced for the absence of references to the campaign in question—his pride may have precluded him from having a year named after an expedition—no matter how satisfactory it may have been—carried out for another power—his suzerain; or the allied armies may have suffered so severely from attacks similar to that delivered by Abraham, that the campaign became an altogether unsuitable one to date by.

8. The Period When It May Have Taken Place:

If Eri-Aku was, as Thureau-Dangin has suggested, the brother of Rim-Sin, king of Larsa (Elassar), he must have preceded him on the throne, and, in that case, the expedition against the kings of the Plain took place before Hammurabi’s 30th year, when he claims to have defeated Rim-Sin. As the date of Rim-Sin’s accession is doubtful, the date of Eri-Aku’s (Arioch’s) death is equally so, but it possibly took place about 5 years before Rim-Sin’s defeat. The expedition in question must therefore have been undertaken during the first 25 years of Hammurabi’s reign. As Amraphel is called king of Shinar (Babylonia), the period preceding Hammurabi’s accession ought probably to be excluded.

9. Hammurabi’s Greatness as a Ruler:

Of all the kings of early Babylonia so far known, Hammurabi would seem to have been one of the greatest, and the country made good progress under his rule. His conflicts with Elam suggest that Babylonia had become strong enough to resist that warlike state, and his title of adda or "father" of Martu (= Amurru, the Amorites) and of Yamutbalu on the East implies not only that he maintained the country’s influence, but also that, during his reign, it was no longer subject to Elam. Rim-Sin and the state of Larsa, however, were not conquered until the time of Samsu-iluna, Hammurabi’s son. It is noteworthy that his Code of Laws (see 3, above) not only determined legal rights and responsibilities, but also fixed the rates of wages, thus obviating many difficulties.

See AMRAPHEL; ARIOCH; CHEDORLAOMER; TIDAL, etc.

T. G. Pinches

kod.

I. HISTORICAL

1. Discovery of the Code

2. Editions of the Code

3. Description of the Stone

4. History of the Stone

5. Origin and Later History of the Code

II. CONTENTS OF THE CODE

1. The Principles of Legal Process

2. Theft, Burglary, Robbery

3. Laws concerning Vassalage

4. Immovables

5. Trader and Agent

6. Taverns

7. Deposits

8. Family

9. Concerning Wounding, etc.

10. Building of Houses and Ships

11. Hiring in General, etc.

12. Slaves

III. THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CODE

1. Hammurabi and Moses

2. The Code and Other Legal Systems

LITERATURE

I. Historical.

1. Discovery of the Code:

When Professor Meissner published, in 1898, some fragments of cuneiform tablets from the library of the Assyrian king Ashurbanipal (668-628 BC), he also then suggested that these pieces were parts of a copy of an old Book of Law from the time of the so-called First Babylonian Dynasty, one of the kings of which was Hammurabi (more exactly Hammurapi, circa 2100 BC). A few years later this suggestion was fully established. In December, 1901, and January, 1902, a French expedition under the leadership of M. J. de Morgan, the chief aim of which was the exploration of the old royal city Susa, found there a diorite stone, 2,25 meters high and almost 2 meters in circumference. This stone had a relief (see below) and 44 columns of ancient Babylonian cuneiform writing graven upon it. Professor V. Scheil, O.P., the Assyriological member of the expedition, recognized at once that this stele contains the collection of laws of King Hammurabi, and published this characteristic discovery as early as 1902 in the official report of the expedition: Delegation en Perse (Tome IV, Paris).

2. Editions of the Code:

At the same time Scheil gave the first translation of the text. Since then the text has several times been published, translated and commented upon; compare especially: H. Winckler, Die Gesetze Hammurabis (= Der alte Orient, IV, Leipzig; 1st edition, 1903; 4th edition, 1906); H. Winckler, Die Gesetze Hammurabis in Umschrift und Ubersetzung, Leipzig, 1904; D.H. Muller, Die Gesetze Hammurabis und die Mosaische Gesetzgebung, Vienna, 1903; R.F. Harper, The Code of Hammurabi, Chicago, 1904; C.H.W. Johns, Babylonian and Assyrian Laws, Contracts, Letters, Edinburgh, 1904, 44 ff; T.G. Pinches, The Old Testament in the Light of the Historical Records and Legends of Assyria and Babylonia, London, 1908, 487; A. Ungnad, Altorientalische Texte und Bilder zum Alten Testament, Tubingen, 1909, I, 140 ff; A. Ungnad, Keilschrifttexte der Gesetze Hammurapis, Leipzig, 1909; J. Kohler, F. Peiser and A. Ungnad, Hammurabis Gesetz, 5 volumes, Leipzig, 1904-11.

3. Description of the Stone:

The stone has the form of a column the cross-section of which is approximately an ellipse. The upper part of the face has a relief (see illustration). We see the king in supplicating attitude standing before the sun-god who sits upon a throne and is characterized by sun rays which stream out from his shoulders. As the king traced back the derivation of the Code to an inspiration of this god, we may suppose that the relief represents the moment when the king received the laws from the mouth of the god. Lower on the face of the stone are 16 columns of text, which read from top to bottom; 7 other columns were erased some time later than Hammurabi in order to make room for a new inscription. The reverse side contains 28 columns of text.

4. History of the Stone:

The stone was set up by the king, toward the end of his reign of 43 years, in the temple Esagila at Babylon, the capital of his dominion (circa 2100 BC). It was probably stolen from there by the Elamitic king Shutruk-Nakhunte, in the 12th century BC, at the time of the plundering of Babylon, and set up as a trophy of war in the Elamitic capital Susa. The same king had, it would seem, the 7 columns from the face side erased in order to engrave there an account of his own deeds, but through some unknown circumstance this latter was not accomplished. After the discovery of the stele it was brought to Paris where it now forms one of the most important possessions of the Louvre.

5. Origin and Later History of the Code:

If, however, Hammurabi was not the first legislator of Babylonia, still he was, as far as we can see, the first one who used the language of the people, i.e. the Semitic idiom. We know that nearly 1,000 years earlier a king, Urukagina, promulgated laws in Babylonia which have been lost; an ancestor of Hammurabi, Sumulael, appears also to have given laws. As we are able to recognize from the actual practice of Babylonian social life, the legislation of Hammurabi signifies nothing essentially new. Even before his time laws after the same principles were administered. His service lies before all in that he gathered together the extant laws and set them up in the Semitic language. The laws were promulgated already in the 2nd year of his reign, but the stele known to us was set up in the temple at Babylon about 30 years later. Moreover, the laws were set up in more than one copy, for in Susa fragments of another copy were found. How long the laws were in actual use it is impossible to determine. In any case, as late as the time of Ashurbanipal (see above), they used to be copied; indeed we even possess copies in neo-Babylonian characters which are later than the 7th century BC. Fortunately the duplicates contain several passages which are destroyed on the large stele in consequence of the erasure of the seven columns. Thus we are able, in spite of the gaps in the large stele, almost completely to determine the contents of the Code.

II. The Contents of the Code.

The laws themselves are preceded by an introduction which was added later, after the law had already been published about 30 years. The introduction states in the first place that already in the primeval age, when Marduk the god of Babylon was elected king of the gods, Hammurabi was predestined by the gods "to cause justice to radiate over the land, to surrender sinners and evildoers to destruction, and to take care that the strong should not oppress the weak." Hammurabi’s Code is, indeed, conceived from this standpoint.

Farther on, the king lauds his services to the principal cities of Babylonia, their temples and cults. He appears as a true server of the gods, as a protector of his people and a gracious prince to those who at first would not acknowledge his supremacy. To be sure, this introduction is not entirely free from presumption; for the king describes himself as "god of the kings" and "sun-god of Babylon "! The hopes of a Saviour, which heathen antiquity also knew, he regards as realized in his own person.

The Code itself may be divided into 12 divisions. It manifests, in no way, a very definite logical system; the sequence is often interrupted, and one recognizes that it is not so much a systematic and exhaustive work as a collection of the legal standards accumulated in the course of time. Much that we would expect to find in a Code is not even mentioned.

1. The Principles of Legal Process:

The first five paragraphs treat of some principles of legal process. In the first place false accusation is considered. The unprovable charge of sorcery is dealt with in an especially interesting manner (section symbol 2). The accused in this case has to submit to an ordeal at the hands of the River-god; nevertheless nothing is said concerning the details of this ordeal. If he is convicted by the god as guilty, the accuser receives his house; in the opposite case, the accuser is condemned to death and the accused receives his house. The law also proceeds rigorously against false witnesses: in a process in which life is at stake, conscious perjury is punished with death (section symbol 3). Finally the king strives also for an uncorrupt body of judges; a judge who has not carried out the judgment of the court correctly has not only to pay twelve times the sum at issue, but he is also dismissed with disgrace from his office.

2. Theft, Burglary, Robbery:

The next sections (section symbol, section symbol 6-25) occupy themselves with serious theft, burglary, robbery and other crimes of a like nature. Theft from palace or temple, or the receiving and concealing of stolen property, is punished with death or a heavy fine according to the nature of what is stolen (section symbol, section symbol 6, 8). As it was a custom in Babylonia to effect every purchase in the presence of witnesses or with a written deed of sale, one understa